Volume 77, Issue 3

Beckman and colleagues claimed in 2011 that Swedish has an overspecified phonological contrast between prevoiced and voiceless aspirated stops. Yet, Swedish is the only language for which this pattern has been reported. The current study describes a similar phonological pattern in the vernacular Arabic dialect of Qatar. Acoustic measurements of main (voice onset time, VOT) and secondary (fundamental frequency, first formant) cues to voicing are based on production data of 8 native speakers of Qatari Arabic, who pronounced 1,380 voiced and voiceless word-initial stops in the slow and fast rate conditions. The results suggest that the VOT pattern found in voiced Qatari Arabic stops b, d, g is consistent with prevoicing in voice languages like Dutch, Russian, or Swedish. The pattern found in voiceless stops t, k is consistent with aspiration in aspirating languages like English, German, or Swedish. Similar to Swedish, both prevoicing and aspiration in Qatari Arabic stops change in response to speaking rate. VOT significantly increased by 19 ms in prevoiced stops and by 12 ms in voiceless stops in the slow speaking rate condition. The findings suggest that phonological overspecification in laryngeal contrasts may not be an uncommon pattern among languages.

Background/Aims: This work examines the perception of the stop voicing contrast in Spanish and English along four acoustic dimensions, comparing monolingual and bilingual listeners. Our primary goals are to test the extent to which cue-weighting strategies are language-specific in monolinguals, and whether this language specificity extends to bilingual listeners. Methods: Participants categorized sounds varying in voice onset time (VOT, the primary cue to the contrast) and three secondary cues: fundamental frequency at vowel onset, first formant (F1) onset frequency, and stop closure duration. Listeners heard acoustically identical target stimuli, within language-specific carrier phrases, in English and Spanish modes. Results: While all listener groups used all cues, monolingual English listeners relied more on F1, and less on closure duration, than monolingual Spanish listeners, indicating language specificity in cue use. Early bilingual listeners used the three secondary cues similarly in English and Spanish, despite showing language-specific VOT boundaries. Conclusion: While our findings reinforce previous work demonstrating language-specific phonetic representations in bilinguals in terms of VOT boundary, they suggest that this specificity may not extend straightforwardly to cue-weighting strategies.

The study examines acoustic correlates of the four-way laryngeal contrast in Marathi, focusing on temporal parameters, voice quality, and onset f0. Acoustic correlates of the laryngeal contrast were investigated in the speech of 33 native speakers of Marathi, recorded in Mumbai, India, producing a word list containing six sets of words minimally contrastive in terms of laryngeal specification of word-initial velar stops. Measurements were made for the duration of prevoicing, release, and voicing during release. Fundamental frequency was measured at the onset of voicing following the stop and at 10 additional time points. As measures of voice quality, amplitude differences between the first and second harmonic (H1–H2) and between the first harmonic and the third formant (H1–A3) were calculated. The results demonstrated that laryngeal categories in Marathi are differentiated based on temporal measures, voice quality, and onset f0, although differences in each dimension were unequal in magnitude across different pairs of stop categories. We conclude that a single acoustic correlate, such as voice onset time, is insufficient to differentiate among all the laryngeal categories in languages such as Marathi, characterized by complex four-way laryngeal contrasts. Instead, a joint contribution of several acoustic correlates creates a robust multidimensional contrast.