Volume 156, Issue 2 -

This paper considers further evidence that five comic poets as opposed to three competed at the Lenaia and City Dionysia festivals in Athens during the Peloponnesian War. Aristophanes’ abuse of his comic rivals Phrynichos, Ameipsias and Lykis in the opening scene of Frogs , produced at the Lenaia of 405, is interpreted as a response to his immediate competitors at the dramatic contest that year. A survey of the evidence elsewhere in comedy suggests that comic poets usually reserved such attacks on rival poets for occasions when all were in direct competition at the same festival. Further analysis of Aristophanes’ competitive strategies also suggests these poets immediate participation in the festival and therefore that five poets competed at the Lenaia that year.

Among modern scholars of ancient Greek it is almost universally accepted that the historical present is only used for (telic) events and not for (atelic) states and activities. A survey of the extant complete tragedies shows that this view is untenable: there are passages where static verbs like κεῖμαι ‘lie’ and εὕδω ‘sleep’ are used in the historical present and where the historical present describes a state or activity which is extended in time. On the one hand this shows that punctuality or decisiveness cannot be regarded as the basic function of the historical present; on the other it leads to new interpretations of a number of passages in Greek tragedy.

This article is devoted to Plutarch’s natural-philosophical interests and aspirations, as expressed more precisely in his collection of Quaestiones Naturales , which has been generally underestimated by scholars. In order to speculate about the actual position of this collection in the Corpus Plutarcheum, I present a case study of one particular problem, viz. Q.N. 19 (916BF). In the first part of the article, the scope is primarily confined to the traditional sources on which Plutarch relies, but I also take into account Plutarch’s conception of scientific innovation, as it is formulated in Quaestiones convivales . In the second part, I deal with the problematic degree of moral dynamics and literary stylistics, which are, in the main, absent from Quaestiones Naturales . I analyse a cluster of parallel passages ( De soll. an. 978EF; De am. mult. 96F–97A; De ad. et am. 51D–53D; Alc. 23, 4–5) by way of contrast to Q.N. 19. This yields insight into Plutarch’s argumentative tactics and his process of writing and rewriting, with a particular focus on his use of ὑπομνήματα. On chronological grounds, I argue that at a certain point Plutarch bears the hypomnematic material of Q.N. 19 in his topical mind, but also that there are certain indications that Q.N. 19 itself is based on other ὑπομνήματα, which in turn provides new material for speculating about the true nature of Quaestiones Naturales as a “collection of notes” and about what the actual range of this label might be.

The aim of this paper is to show that the Plautine Textgeschichte as reconstructed by M. Deufert may be regarded as convincing, although some aspects need to be corrected. A new examination of Gellius 3. 3 (combined with other passages by Festus and Servius, enables us to understand that the famous Republican edition did not contain 130 plays, but 40. In addition, we attempt to demonstrate that Varro did not provide an index of plays that he himself regarded as authentic. The only index provided by Varro was the index containing the 21 plays considered authentic by his predecessors. A new analysis of Probus’ Plautine philology demonstrates that Probus did not prepare a new edition af Plautus: while it is extremely likely that he published a new influential edition of Vergil (which, by the way, caused the disappearance of the Appendix from our corpus ), there is no reason to think that he devoted his editorial activity to Plautus. In the last part of the paper we discuss the famous problem of the identity of Sisenna. Although some recent scholars (particularly Perutelli and Aragosti) have tried to demonstrate that the Sisenna, who composed a Plautine commentary, was the famous historian (died 67 BC), I prefer to maintain Deufert’s opinion, viz. that Sisenna the commentator of Plautus lived in the second or third century AD. A new analysis of some of Sisenna’s grammatical fragments is also provided.

The passage in Ovid’s Fasti that deals with animal sacrifice implicitly criticizes the legal system of the late Augustan period. In particular, it is the increasing arbitrariness of the emperor’s judgments that is addressed in a metaphorical way. In order to make explicit the hidden criticism, this article first compares the passage to the parallel section in the 15 th book of the Metamorphoses , then reads it within the context of the first book of the Fasti and finally places it in the context of Ovid’s exile poetry. It emerges that the gods’ behaving more and more unjustly can be connected to the emperor himself, whereas the slaughtered birds recall the implicit author of the Fasti , who in his exile poetry constantly presents himself as the miserable victim of an unjust relegation to the Black Sea.

In his fifth eclogue Candidus the Neo-latin poet Baptista Mantuanus, known in the Renaissance as the “second Virgil”, deals with the poverty of writers and the stinginess of patrons. The dialogue between the sincere-minded poet Candidus, who is frustrated by his hopeless situation, and the rich Silvanus, who gives only empty promises of help, turns out, however, to be futile. As can be demonstrated by the quotations taken mainly from the Roman satirists, Mantuanus makes use of the classical texts as far as they serve his purpose and explicitly displays a subtle view of his various sources. Quoting from classical literature he often compares Candidus, his alter ego, with the victims of Horace, Juvenal and Persius, and frequently transforms the positive aspect of the original into its contrary. This technique emphasizes the needy poet’s self-ironical attitude confirmed by his exaggerated complaints describing his calamity. That is why Candidus appears to be a self-pitying and self-centered character, while, on the other hand, Silvanus represents the specimen of a miser giving nothing but flimsy promises, with the result that the dialogue remains stagnant and ultimately ineffective.

Recent studies have shown that Nicola Salvi the architect of the Trevi Fountain intended to present the “potenza non limitata” of water as an existential element of nature, focusing the whole appearance of the fountain on the person in the center, Oceanus. But Salvi’s principal, pope Clement XII., claimed in his other projects such as the restoration of the arch of Constantine or like the new eastern fascade of S. Giovanni in Laterano, which refer especially to Constantine, like this emperor the leader of Christianity. Thus Salvi’s philosophical purpose seems not to be in line with to the intentions of the pope. But how could Salvi convince the pope let him build the prestigious fountain? This paper tries to show that Salvi’s model was influenced by the epiphanies of Neptun or Poseidon in the first book of the Achilleis of Statius and in the 13 th book of the Iliad. Transferring these on the epiphany of Oceanus in the Trevi Fountain, Salvi was able to combine his thoughts about the power of water with the metaphorical presentation of a universal ruler, as the pope wanted to present himself.

Working on a biography of his predecessor Erwin Rohde, Otto Crusius approached historical theologian Franz Overbeck, who was one of Rohde’s best friends. Overbeck sent Crusius copies of most of the letters he had received from Rohde, and Crusius used them for his book, which was published early 1902 and still is the best biographical work on Rohde. In the spring of 1902 Crusius visited Overbeck in Basel, and Overbeck in particular came to value their acquaintance. Their correspondence, stretching from 1901 until Overbeck’s death in 1905, contains important personal and substantial views on Rohde, his relationship with Nietzsche, as well as on philological and literary topics, including Overbeck’s feud with Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche, Nietzsche’s sister.