Volume 10, Issue 1 -

In recent years, China has expanded its presence in Latin America leading to increased trade flows, foreign direct investment, and bilateral cooperation agreements. At the same time, Brazil has attempted to emerge as a global player from its belief in itself as a regional leader. While both countries are part of the emerging South, they are also competing for influence in the South American area. We hypothesize that for MERCOSUR members, deepening commercial ties with China would be a viable option to counterbalance Brazil’s regional leadership, using Uruguayan legislators preferences as a tool for our study. Using logistic models, we conclude that that the probability of supporting a hypothetical free trade agreement with China is larger when politicians viewed MERCOSUR as an obstacle to the interests of his or her country and when he or she had doubts about Brazilian de facto regional leadership. This empirical evidence allows us to reflect on the political consequences of free trade agreements, on Brazil’s leadership in South America, and Brazil-China relations from the perspective of South-South relations in general.

Studies that examine global determinants of democracy mainly focus on factors such as global conflict, strength of global community, international organizations and the impact of democratic neighbors. This paper logically extends the global approach by considering the impact of global power shifts on democratization in the Middle East. In this paper, it is argued that global uncertainty raised by power shifts in the system is likely to impact authoritarian elite behavior leading to their concession to share political power. This article specifies the assumptions, hypothesis and the causal mechanism through which power shifts might impact democracy in the Middle East. To test the hypothesis, this article uses cross-country panel data and fixed effects GLS regression models on 878 observations, 20 countries ranging from 1815 until 2004. To clarify the argument, examples of democratization process in Iran and Turkey as well as recent 2011 Middle East uprisings are also discussed as illustrative evidence. The results support the argument that global power transfers have short term and long term impacts on democratization in the Middle East.

Social and economic indicators measure and monitor the relative level of each country’s “progress”, be this in education, poverty, mortality, gross domestic product and so on. This essay examines indicators in the contemporary development paradigm and their use by the United Nations, World Bank, NGOs and corporations, as well as their increasing presence in global governance decision-making. Drawing upon a critical global studies perspective, I argue that indicators are producing and privileging certain kinds of knowledge over other kinds of knowledge that may not be so easily “captured” by nationally structured numerical reductionism. Reflecting on the limitations of the Human Development Index and the United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals, I suggest that the empirical data produced ultimately mismeasure the fullness of human experience and often undervalue non-western worldviews. I conclude by returning to the insights suggested by a global studies perspective and offer a number of recommendations for envisaging and shaping a more inclusive post-development paradigm.