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Tai languages are often described as “lacking” a major lexical class “adjectives”; accordingly, they and other area languages are frequently cited as evidence against adjectival universality. This article brings the putative lack under examination, arguing that a more complete distributional analysis reveals a pattern: overlap is highest among semantically peripheral adjectives and verbs and in constructions prototypically associated to both classes crosslinguistically, and lowest among semantically core adjectives and verbs and in constructions prototypically associated to only one or the other class. Rather than “lacking” adjectives, data from Thai thus in fact support functional-typological characterizations of adjectival universality such as those of Givón (1984), Croft (2001), and Dixon (2004). Finally, while data from Thai would fail to falsify an adaptation of Enfield's (2004) Lao lexical class-taxonomy (in which adjectives are treated as a verbal subclass) on its own terms, this article argues that in absence of both universally-applicable criteria for the evaluation of categorial taxonomies crosslinguistically and evidence for the cognitive reality of categorial taxonomies so stipulated, even this more limited sense of a “lack” of adjectives in Thai is less radical a challenge to adjectival universality than has sometimes been supposed.

Despite the importance of ordering phenomena in typology and the visibility of Baker's analysis (1988, 1996) of noun incorporation in generative syntax, his prediction (1996: 25–30) that in syntactic incorporation the incorporated noun will always precede the verb root has yet to be tested typologically. Here we fill this gap and survey the known cases of object noun incorporation. The predicted order proves to be strongly preferred crosslinguistically and warrants recognition as a strong statistical universal. However, it is strongest in unproductive and fossilized contexts, the opposite of what is expected if the position of the incorporated noun is determined solely by principles of syntactic movement. The universal must therefore be nonsyntactic, perhaps morphological, in nature and appears to involve a preferred position for heads and/or for noun and verb roots within words. The same principle also shapes other noun-verb combinations in addition to noun incorporation.

The cognitive advantages to retaining a restricted counting system (without exponentiation) even as a more complicated one is being developed are not immediately obvious, but follow from the information about upcoming complexity that is implicit in the use of distinct numerals. Kanum, a language from the south of New Guinea, where “systems with limited extent” are widely reported, has base-6 counting systems with full use of exponentiation in one system, and no possibility of extension in another. The evidence suggests the more complex systems were internally motivated, yet the simpler systems have not been abandoned.

This article offers a typological overview of the Emerillon language, a Tupí-Guaraní language spoken by a small community in French Guiana. General information is provided on various aspects of the grammar, within the domains of phonology, morphology, and syntax. Special attention is given to a few features of the language that are rather rare and/or poorly discussed in the typological literature, namely morphemic nasal harmony, a hierarchical person indexation system, a rare type of nominal predication, and the existence of a specific marker for sociative causation. These features are all typical of the Tupí-Guaraní family.