Volume 60, Issue 4

The semantics of superordinate collectives (superordinates hereafter) such as English furniture are argued to be count or mass, or to allow both count and mass readings. When tested experimentally, however, it has repeatedly been reported that superordinates denote individuals in a wide range of typologically distinct languages, including Mandarin. A close examination of the experimental method and design commonly used in previous research suggests, however, that the attested individual-denoting reading might only be the preferred reading in neutral contexts rather than the only reading that superordinates allow. In the present study, using a Truth Value Judgment Task we investigate the interpretation of Mandarin superordinates by Mandarin-speaking adults and 4–6-year-old children. We found that bare superordinates can convey both individual-denoting and non-individual-denoting readings depending on specific contexts provided, but such contextual manipulation cannot override morphosyntax (the presence of an individual classifier that selects an individual-denoting reading only). Taken together, our experimental data indicate that both contextual and morphosyntactic information play an important role in the interpretation of Mandarin superordinates, but that they function in different ways. In a word, the present study contributes new data and opens new perspectives for further investigation in the interpretation of superordinates in Mandarin as well as in other languages.

Researchers studying language variation and change induced by contact with English initially focused on the linguistic integration of English source language (SL) material in the morphophonological structure of the receptor language (RL). Shifting the attention toward the sociopragmatic localization of English lexical material, researchers now foreground both the social identity work conducted with English material and the pragmatic functions of English lexemes and heritage alternatives. So far, however, most of these studies rely on production data, paying less attention to language users’ perception and evaluation of English lexemes. Therefore, integrating insights from language production and evaluation, this study asks the questions (i) which lexical preference speakers express when asked to choose between an English and a heritage form; and (ii) which sociopragmatic parameters help to explain this preference. To answer these questions, a forced-choice experiment was conducted in which over 1,500 Dutch-speaking participants were asked to select their preferred expression when provided with a loanword and a heritage alternative. Each participant was offered 12 target trials and 10 filler trials. The target trials, drawn from a corpus-based study, include a balanced set of loans from three semantic fields with various frequencies in usage data. Pragmatic variation was included by randomly presenting the trials in speech contexts of communicative immediacy and communicative distance. Mixed-effects logistic regression analyses show a significant impact of community-based usage statistics, the age and self-reported attitude of the participant, as well as the speech context in which the concepts were offered.

This article explores the low IP area of Najdi Arabic, with special reference to a construction involving a post-verbal object that is resumed on the verb (as in ‘The man saw-her the woman’). We provide evidence that the object is a topic in the low IP area in such cases. However, the position of the object in the low IP area is masked by the movement of the verb to T0 or, in some cases (if T0 is lexically filled) to the head of the low Focus Phrase. We also provide evidence that Najdi Arabic low topics exclusively express given, accessible information (i.e., familiar topics), which is found to be a prominent characteristic that distinguishes them from high topics (in the CP domain). High topics are shown to be ambiguous with respect to their specific discourse-informational value (aboutness/shifting vs. contrastiveness vs. familiarity). Additionally, we offer evidence that low topics in Najdi Arabic are recursive, dominated by a low Focus Phrase (FocP > TopP*). At a general level, the study demonstrates that topics in the low IP area are more restrictive in their informational content than previously believed.

The Basque impersonal is a detransitivized construction that resembles middles, passives and impersonals. In this construction, the thematic object is the grammatical subject, which bears absolutive case and triggers absolutive agreement, and the auxiliary selected is izan ‘be’. At the same time, there is an implicit agent that is syntactically active even though it is not realized as an ergative argument with corresponding ergative agreement. In this article, we compare the Basque impersonal with the middle, the passive of languages like English, and subject-suppressing impersonals (as in Polish), and we show that it is more similar to the passive and subject-suppressing impersonals, given that (i) in the Basque impersonal, the event is instantiated, (ii) it can be used with more predicate classes, and (iii) it allows dative-marked second objects, among other properties. Similarly, like in English-type passives and subject-suppressing impersonals, the implicit agent of the Basque impersonal is syntactically active, as it can license agent-oriented modifiers and control adjunct purpose clauses. Nevertheless, there are other properties in which these constructions differ; for instance, the implicit agent must be interpreted as human, unlike in passives, and the grammatical subject cannot be other than 3rd person, something attested neither in passives nor in subject-suppressing impersonals. In light of this distribution, we consider the Basque impersonal to be located somewhere in between middles, passives and subject-suppressing impersonals as far as its syntactic properties are concerned.

Perfective stem allomorphy and stress are morphological traits which interact in complex ways in Romance verbal inflection. This article surveys the whole range of variation of these traits across Romance varieties, typologizes the observed interactions between the two, and examines attested and unattested possibilities. A comparison between the modern-day and the original Latin systems suggests that there is a strong pan-Romance bias against having verbs with a concrete combination of properties: perfective root-stress and no perfective stem alternation. This is a combination of traits that would have frequently resulted in diagonal syncretisms between past and present given the phonological changes attested in the daughter languages. Homophony avoidance (and the adaptive-discriminative role of morphology more generally) are therefore argued to motivate the observed bias.

The endings of Spanish nouns reflect gender with varying degrees of frequency and regularity. The most common and regular endings are -o for masculine nouns and -a for feminine nouns, - o being more frequent and less closely associated with a specific gender category (masculine) than -a . Pairs of words occurring with both gender categories differ in the frequencies with which they are used as masculine or feminine forms: médic-o/médic-a ‘doctor’ (m.)/‘doctor’ (f.) is a clear example of a masculine-dominant pair, whereas enfermer-o/enfermer-a ‘nurse’ (m.)/ ‘nurse’ (f.) is a feminine-dominant pair. Adult readers of Spanish are faster in recognizing feminine forms of feminine-dominant pairs, and masculine forms of masculine-dominant pairs (Dominguez, Alberto, Fernando Cuetos & Juan Segui. 1999. The processing of grammatical gender and number in Spanish. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research 28(5). 485–498). This study aims to test the dominant frequency effect in third and sixth grade children, as well as in adults. Children were faster in recognizing masculine forms in masculine-dominant pairs, but not feminine forms in feminine-dominant pairs. Adults, by contrast, tended to respond faster to higher frequency words, irrespective of gender, indicating that they have independent representations for both genders. The dominance of masculine forms in children could be a consequence of the statistical distribution of gender dominance and regularity in Spanish. The experience of skilled adult readers seems to make them less dependent on this statistical pattern.

Northwestern Bantu is the most linguistically diverse area of the Bantu-speaking world. Several unusual grammatical gender systems are reported for this area, but there has been a lack of comprehensive comparative studies. This article is a typological investigation of northwestern Bantu gender systems based on a sample of 179 languages. We study the distribution of various patterns of animacy-based agreement in the languages of the sample and in relationship with the Agreement Hierarchy. We find that animacy-based agreement is widespread in northwestern Bantu. If restricted to animate nouns, it tends to coexist in stable variation with syntactic agreement. When generalized to both animate and inanimate nouns, animacy-based agreement appears to contribute to the erosion of gender marking. In line with the prediction of the Agreement Hierarchy, we find that animacy-based agreement is prevalent with verbs and pronouns. Within the noun phrase, it spreads in ways that are suggestive of a hierarchy of syntactic integration between nouns and adnominal modifiers, which had gone unnoticed in the existing literature. These results have important implications for current models of Bantu gender systems and shed new light on animacy effects in the diachrony of gender more generally.

This article aims to examine whether Italian has theticity and sentence-focus among its grammatically encoded categories. After the categories of theticity and sentence-focus are introduced, the concepts of grammatically encoded category and category of language use are operationalized along the lines of Integral Linguistics. For a functional category to qualify as a grammatically encoded category of a language, the language should have at least one construction that structurally encodes the category as its indefeasible semantics. The article provides a qualitative investigation of both corpus-based and constructed examples of the eight Italian sentential structures that have hitherto been recognized in the literature as thetic or sentence-focus constructions. It is shown that each of the constructions has information structural uses that are incompatible with a structurally encoded theticity or sentence-focus semantics, i.e., topic-comment structure and narrow focus construal. It is argued that theticity and sentence-focus are therefore categories of language use rather than grammatically encoded categories of Italian.