Volume 62, Issue 1-2

More inscribed Canaanite jars have been found at the palatial centre of Tiryns than at any other site on the Greek mainland. The Cypro-Minoan inscription TIRY Avas 001, on a Canaanite jar handle from Tiryns, was first published in 1988. Since then, however, a second (unpublished) inscribed handle from that jar has been identified, along with the vessel’s rim, base, and enough body sherds to reconstruct the entire vessel. In this article, we present the reconstructed jar and its incised Cypro-Minoan signs, including a detailed account of the varied contexts of each recovered sherd, as well as a macroscopic analysis of the vessel’s fabric and what this says about its place of origin. We then discuss the probable meanings and uses of the jar and of the writing on it, and outline the probable path of the vessel from its creation on the Levantine coast, to its inscription on Cyprus, to its deposition in a final palatial destruction context in the Lower Citadel of Tiryns.

The Mycenaean personal name a-ḳị-a 2 -ro is now given as the new reading for a[-•]-a 2 -ro in the tablet from Pylos Jn 478.3. This paper proposes a rendering of the name as Ἀγχίαλος, which is well attested in Homeric epos, and it is interpreted as a nickname derived from the place-name of origin of the individual.

This article presents a new Carian inscription found in the Temple of Zeus Lepsynos in the Carian city of Euromos during excavations carried out in 2022. The inscription is carved on a round altar from the archaic period. The text is brief and incomplete, but its reading does not pose serious problems and an onomastic formula is recognisable.

The article presents a detailed philological and linguistic commentary on the Phrygian (Mysian) inscription discovered in 2021 at Gordion (§§ 1-18). The final part (§ 19) offers observations on the ethnolinguistic and sociolinguistic background of the text which can be associated with the region of Pergamon in Mysia.

The origins and development of the Pamphylian alphabet and its relations with the other Greek alphabetic traditions have so far remained obscure. This study aims at elucidating the feature that, more than any other, has resisted a safe interpretation: the coexistence, without parallels in the Greek world, of at least two graphemes, namely <Ͷ> and <Ϝ>, representing the posterior approximant. To unravel the intricacy, we adopt a novel perspective, namely the ‘corpus doctrinae theory’, in order to address potential biases arisen from structuralist approaches. Preliminarily, we argue, on the basis of the distribution of the two graphemes, that such a cohabitation cannot always be explained by phonetic reasons. Therefore, we discuss the selection of <Ͷ> and <Ϝ> in the broader frame of the formation and transmission of the Greek alphabets, showing that Pamphylian did not stem from a single matrix-script, but rather goes back to the NE Peloponnesian corpus doctrinae. Such a filiation explains the origins of <Ͷ>, as both its paleography and phonetic value show that it is an adaptation of the Corinthian- type <B>.

In this article are published four new graffiti found in the Tepecik settlement in the Lycian harbour of Patara. These inscriptions, three of which are written in Lycian, and one in Greek, are dated from the mid-fifth to the first quarter of the third century BC. They correspond to Lycian personal names, most of which are new. Each of these forms is discussed in detail and compared with related names attested in other Anatolian languages.

Résumé L’emploi des signes syllabiques m̃ et ñ est régi par des règles d’écriture strictes, alors que leurs réalisations ne sont pas invariablement syllabiques. On montre que ces signes ont des réalisations non syllabiques dans des contextes où la co-articulation d’une consonne nasale et d’une occlusive modifie les propriétés phonétiques de cette dernière. L’expression graphique fondée sur la solidarité des symboles d’écriture dans des configurations où les nasales sont syllabiques, devient, par suite, transposables aux situations où les modification du son associé à la nasale sont phonétiquement requises alors que les nasales ne sont plus nécessairement syllabiques. La distribution des nasales dans les contextes où elle sont syllabiques indique, en outre, des réalisations différenciées selon l’entourage segmental, en mettant en évidence des conditionnements dont l’intrication offre une justification plausible à leur représentation individualisée dans l’écriture.

Resume Les realisations des voyelles nasales ayant un statut de phoneme imposent certaines proprietes a leur entourage tout en connaissant des variations de leur degre de hauteur; par contraste, les voyelles nasalisees recoivent leur proprietes de leur entourage ne varient pas selon la hauteur. L’emergence de voyelles distinctivement nasales en lycien resulte d’un conditionnement pour partie segmental (co-articulation), pour partie syllabique (elimination des codas).