Band 35, Heft 1 -

There has been a growing interest in sound symbolic patterns in natural languages, in which some sounds are associated with particular meanings. Previous corpus-based research identified some specific sound symbolic relationships in Pokémon naming patterns in Japanese (Kawahara et al. 2018b). One of the main findings was that the names of Pokémon characters are more likely to contain voiced obstruents, and are longer in terms of mora count, when the Pokémon characters undergo evolution (e.g. nyoromo → nyoro z o; poppo → pi j otto ). The current study reports three experiments that test whether (i) these patterns are productive in the minds of general Japanese speakers, and whether (ii) the same tendency holds with English speakers. The results show that the effect of phonological length was clearly observed both with Japanese and English speakers; the effects of voiced obstruents were observed clearly with Japanese speakers, but less clearly with English speakers. Along the way, we address other general issues related to sound symbolism: (iii) to what extent the sound symbolic effects identified in Kawahara et al. (2018b) rely on familiarity with Pokémon, and (iv) whether word-initial segments invoke stronger images than word-internal segments. In addition to its research value, we emphasize that this general project on Pokémon names can be useful for undergraduate phonetics education.

The current study deals with two topics. One is the new nicknaming trend in Japanese whereby [h] alternates with [p]. In Experiment I, I established the hypothesis that the process is driven to express cuteness, and experimentally demonstrated that singleton [p] is more likely to be associated with cuteness than other consonants in Japanese. The other topic discussed in the current paper is the orthographic Lyman’s Law, or OCP(diacritic) (Kawahara, Shigeto. 2018. Phonology and orthography: The orthographic characterization of rendaku and Lyman’s Law. Glossa: a Journal of General Linguistics 3(1). 1–24.). In Experiment II, I tested whether OCP(diacritic) is psychologically real in the minds of Japanese speakers, using nicknames with [h]→[p] alternation already applied. The results showed that the naturalness of nicknames is reduced when they contain singleton [p] and voiced obstruents, both of which need a diacritical mark in hiragana and katakana. This suggests that OCP(diacritic) is active in nicknaming processes beyond rendaku and devoicing of voiced geminates. Experiment II also showed that the naturalness of nicknames is affected by other OCP effects such as OCP(C), OCP(CV), and OCP(labial). This result suggests that such OCP effects impinge on the patterns resulting from nicknaming formation.

In Japanese, relative clauses have initial clause-type ambiguity. Because there are no overt RC markers, the structure is realized at a locus of disambiguation, typically the head noun. While previous studies have attenuated this ambiguity, these studies have not effectively investigated the processing asymmetry between subject/object-relatives during reading. The current study investigated RC processing within different ambiguity contexts using eye-tracking on native Japanese speakers. For ambiguous RCs, ORC difficulties were primarily observed during late-processing measures after disambiguation at the head noun and RC verb. This was possibly due to the inherent difficulty of assigning thematic roles when the object appears outside the clause as the object-before-subject-bias predicts or due to factors such as expectation, structural-integration and similarity interference. Because all predict ORC difficulties in ambiguous RCs, the exact nature of the processing remains uncertain. For unambiguous RCs, ORC difficulties were instead observed during early-processing measures at the head noun. We attribute this to expectation-based processing because the clause no longer requires a structural reconfiguration. Specifically, with increased cues for the RC interpretation, expectation-based processing effects became more observable at the head. In conclusion, clause type ambiguity is an integral factor for Japanese relative clause processing.