Volume 30, Issue 2

This study analyzed the content of questions in the quiz show Who Wants to be a Millionaire in the UK, the USA, Australia, Singapore, and India. A total of 1,823 questions were sampled (427 from British programs, 374 from American programs, 324 from Australian programs, 349 from Singapore, and 349 from India). The topics of questions varied from country to country with programs in Australia and the UK over-representing language, the USA and Singapore over-representing light entertainment, and India over-representing history. The share of local themes was positively related to the country’s size of population. In all the countries, questions that awarded higher prizes more frequently required academic knowledge, whereas pocket money questions more often called for popular everyday knowledge. Overall, the global quiz format appears to be sensitive to relatively small cultural differences. The hierarchy of knowledge it features is in line with western norms.

Building on an action theoretical perspective, it is assumed that most television viewing is a routine response to frequently occurring situations, which together make up everyday life. This interplay between television viewing and everyday life was studied using data from a national survey among Dutch adults (n = 825) and their families. From this survey, data of 225 couples were analyzed using event history analysis. Results indicate that one cannot see television viewing as merely an alternative for other activities. For instance, participatory activities have two distinct effects: They tend to inhibit television viewing by the actor but stimulate television viewing by the actor’s partner. The effect of contacts with other variables appears to be important as well: Being at home, engagement in child care, household work, and eating and drinking often enhances television viewing. But presence of non-family may inhibit television viewing. Education was shown to have a consistently negative impact on television viewing, and there appeared to be some gender specific inducements for termination of television viewing.

While journalism traditionally is considered a ‘masculine’ domain, it is said that public relations are a ‘feminine’ profession. The legitimation for this gendered coding of two professions are so-called gender different characteristics. The aim of this article is to show how the differentiation of professional roles in journalism and journalism-related fields goes hand in hand with processes of gender differentiating ascriptions on the symbolic and discoursive levels. Additionally, the communication research reproduces these binary codes in context with gender codings. The history of professions shows that gendered practices of ascription are arbitrary and only needed to legitimize gendered positionings in the professional field. A closer look at the gendered positioning of the two professions journalism and public relations shows that both have primary and secondary job markets, horizontal and vertical segmentation, and gender-based differences in pay. The gendered positioning – existing on two levels between journalism and public relations as well as within both professions – is not the product of gender different characteristics but of gendered ascriptions of meaning to different job positions. Therefore, it is necessary to analyze both the gendered practices of ascription on the symbolic and the discoursive levels, as well as the gendered positioning in the relationship of journalism and public relations and within both professions. Finally, the consequence for the main/malestream research in the relationship between journalism and public relations could be that the ‘feminization’ of public relations leads public relations researchers to underestimate the power of public relations.

This article will first of all present a brief literature review on media use and identity construction and integration. This overview will be given in light of two phenomena: The concepts of ‘social quality’ and ‘cultural participation’ and the role played by the media in this on the one hand, and the multicultural composition of Dutch society on the other. The present contribution looks at the four largest ethnic minority groups in the Netherlands: Turkish, Moroccan, Surinamese and Antillean youngsters (13 to 24-year-olds), and adults (25 years of age and above). The key issue is ‘integration’ with its six dimensions, among which the extent to which ethnic minorities endorse norms and values of Dutch society, and the minorities’ motivation with respect to integration. We also focus on related features, such as religious outlook and linguistic fluency. The measure of participation or integration in Dutch society is related to the use of four kinds of media: Radio, television, print media, and the Internet. The present contribution addresses the following question: To what extent are, on the one hand, bonding (i. e., an immigrant’s slant towards maintaining contacts with the ‘homeland’) or, on the other, bridging (i. e., the desire to familiarize oneself with Dutch society and to participate in it socially and culturally) predictors of media use among ethnic minorities? We will address the relative importance of these four media in terms of media time and their twofold ‘bridging’ and ‘bonding’ capacities; for each of these media we check the extent to which ethnic minorities favor media from their native country and use applications which focus on their country of origin or their own group.

Becoming a crime victim is often associated with the development of psychological distress symptoms. In turn, these symptoms have been found to be related to a decrease in perceived social support by the victim. From a uses and gratifications point of view, the increase in distress and the decrease in perceived social support could well affect a victim’s television use. Furthermore, the compensation hypothesis (Davis and Kraus, 1989) proposes that people with little social contact use mass media to compensate for social isolation. It could therefore be hypothesized that increased use of television for reasons of companionship is related to higher levels of psychological distress and lower levels of perceived social support. The present study used a structural equation model to test this hypothesis. The sample consisted of 212 Flemish victims of crime. The results confirm the proposed relationships and hypotheses. Directions for future research are discussed.

Recent research predicts the narrowing of the gender gap concerning new media use. This article presents the results of a quantitative study (n = 1058) of the gender gap in Flanders. Significant gender differences were found with men having more access to, and making more use of computers, the Internet and e-mail. In general, females reported more negative attitudes towards new media than men did. Thus, it appears that, despite American research indicating the opposite, in Flanders the gender gap is still very much in evidence. To contextualize the relationship between gender, computer anxiety, and attitudes a multiple regression analysis was carried out on socio-demographic variables and computer-related items. The results showed that, although gender remains a significant factor, it is computer experience which is the strongest predictor of computer anxiety and attitudes.

Hilde Van den Bulck Schubart, R. and Gjelsvik, A. (Eds.): Femme fatalities: Representation of strong women in the media (2004, Nordicom) Nicholas W. Jankowski Consalvo, M., Baym, N., Hunsinger, J., Jensen, K. B., Logie, J., Murero, M., and Shade, L. R. (Eds.): Internet research annual: Selected papers from the Association of Internet Researchers conferences, 2000 – 2002, Volume 1 (2004, Peter Lang)