Volume 106, Issue 1

The codices Neapol. III E 12 and Paris. gr. 3058 contain a short poem whose authorship is attributed to Ioannes Tzetzes. The text is dedicated to Michael Psellos and its two previous publications are based on Paris. gr. 3058, which depends on Neapol. III E 12. This article includes a critical edition of the verses and their translation. Furthermore, there is an examination within the scope of their relevance to passages, which derive from the work of Ammonios, Michael Psellos and the poem of Tzetzes on Porphyrius’ Isagoge. A literary motif might indicate a correlation to Eustathios of Thessalonike and perhaps provide a new terminus post quem for Tzetzes’ death.

Manuel Calecas′ Greek translation of a Latin Sequentia, previously unknown, is now presented here in a critical edition.

The Great Palace of Constantinople lies buried under the modern city of Istanbul. On the basis of the tenth-century text De Cerimoniis many reconstructions of the Palace and the ceremonial enacted in it have been proposed. Reexamination of this and other texts reveals the Palace not as a continuous tradition from Late Antiquity, but an instrument of ideological manipulation of the Macedonian dynasty.

This article focuses on the lost Typikon of the Constantinopolitan monastery of Panagiou, which was composed in the first quarter of the eleventh century by the abbot Anthony, a former disciple of Athanasius the Athonite. The Panagiou Typikon is of crucial importance for a proper understanding of the Middle Byzantine monastic discourse since it is one of the earliest rules promoting a strictly coenobitic agenda. The article has two objectives: it seeks to recover some of the contents of the Panagiou Typikon through identification of textual parallels in a later adaptation, Gregory Pakourianos’ Petritzos Typikon, and in Vita A of Athanasius the Athonite by the monk Athanasius of Panagiou; and it offers a partial reconstruction of its structure through comparison with the Typikon of Patriarch Alexius the Studite, which is based on a lost Typikon for the Stoudios monastery, and with the Evergetis Typikon and its derivatives.

The present study should be understood as a contribution to the disputed relationship of Byzantine to Old Roman and Gregorian chant. It is based on a study of offertory chants in the relatively little-known medial modes. The author discusses four Old Roman offertories in the second medial mode in the recently published book Inside the Offertory by Rebecca Maloy: In die sollemnitatis, Erit vobis, Confirma hoc and Oravi deum meum. Comparisons are made with chants based on Crucem tuam of the Old Roman repertory. In a previous article in Plainsong and Medieval Music the author demonstrated that the medial characteristics disappeared in the same texts in the Gregorian repertoire. In her comparisons of Old Roman and Gregorian sources Rebecca Maloy comes to a completely different conclusion. She argues that the so-called „Old Roman“ melodies are late medieval creations and she characterizes them with the negative term ‘formulaicism’. In this article her conclusions are called into question.

From 1892 to 1897 Karl Krumbacher received three documents written by one „Rhodocanakis“. Until today it was thought that the said author was Platon Rhodokanakis (1883-1920).This assumption appears to be incorrect, as this paper proves why the author must have been the „prince“ Demetrios Rhodokanakis (1840 -1902).

Bremen, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, b.23 is a miscellaneous codex from the first half of the 14th century gathering different literary and astronomical school texts written by a student whose name, Isidoros, appears in f. 206v (only ff. 4-95v are by a second hand). The texts were copied by Isidoros in different periods and finally bound together as well as with independent leaves. One of them (f. 2r-v) is apparently the draft of a letter of Michael Gabras written and corrected by the author. Nevertheless, since the composition is full of syntactic mistakes and its copyist is Isidoros, it can not be an autograph but somehow be based on Gabras’ composition. Some mistakes suggest that the text was dictated and that Isidoros could act as Gabras’ secretary, while the presence of a small sentence from Cyropaedia I 4, 12 (one of the texts preserved by the Bremen codex) allows us to consider that Isidoros was also involved in the re-writing of the letter, a failed exercise that must be understood as aimed to the acquisition of composition skills.

The purpose of the present article is to examine the position of Nikolaos Kabasilas on the life in Christ in comparison with the relevant positions of Gregory Palamas and Gregory Akindynos. Kabasilas’s view that the grace of God, through the mysteries, creates in man’s soul a certain mental disposition towards God, is much closer to Akindynos’ theory that the virtues are created results of the divine grace’s working inside man’s soul, than to Palamas’s thesis that the virtues of the deified soul are uncreated. Kabasilas’s insistence on the ethical dimensions of the life in Christ is a proof that he did not embrace the doctrinal positions of the Palamite party as wholeheartedly as many contemporary scholars maintain. In the same context Kabasilas’s Anti-Zealot discourse is tentatively interpreted as an attack of the author against the Palamite ecclesiastical establishment of his time.

In the study of Byzantine Greek, duals normally, if ever, are only noted in the Indices Graecitatis of modern editions, whereas they are not taken into consideration for the interpretation of texts. In the case of Michael Psellos’s Chronographia, however, it is worthwhile having a closer look on the remarkably numerous duals that appear in this text. In fact, duals in the Chronographia turn out to function in two special ways. They may treat feigned dualities expressed by them in an ironic manner or enhance a context emotively.The present article gives examples for both these functions.

The article identifies the original composition of the multifarious Chronicle of 1570 to be present in Cod. Hierosolymitanus, Sanctae Crucis 28. This is the actual chronicle authored in August of the year 1570, a date which is nonetheless attached to later rewritings of the work.

The Marc. gr. App.V 10 is a recentior in themanuscript tradition of Galen, containing three works: the Introductio seu medicus (ff. 1r-27v) and the two commentaries In Hippocratis Aphorismos (ff. 29r-215v) and In librum De salubri victu (ff. 215v-218v). According to Mioni’s catalogue, this manuscript is supposed to have been written at the end of the 15th century. A palaeographical analysis, however, leads us to post-date it at the middle of the 16th century and also put us on the track toward an identification of the two scribes involved in the circle of Zanetti’s atelier in Venice. This paper provides palaeographical and historical considerations on Marc. gr. App. V 10 in order to estimate its textual value and above all its role in the history of the Galenic tradition.

Georgius Gemistus Pletho died June 26, 1452, according to reports from his followers in two separate manuscripts. However, as John Monfasani has noted, this date is problematic for various reasons. Since June 26, 363 AC is the day in which Julian the Apostate was mortally wounded in a battle, it cannot be excluded that Demetrius Kavakis, admirer of Julian and of Pletho, or another of their followers, tried to construct a symmetry between the two men by reporting a false date of death (that is, June 26) for the neopagan philosopher.

The Article deals with the so-called Missa graeca, i. e. chants of the Roman ordinary of the mass with Greek texts in Latin manuscripts written with Latin neumes. These texts can be found in choral manuscripts from the 9 th to the 11 th century. Over the past hundred years the Missa graeca has been researched - mainly by Western scientists - but still many questions remain unsolved: Is there an actual melodic connection between the Byzantine chants and those of the Missa graeca? What are the models for these chants? Where do the mistakes in the transliterated texts come from? Who wrote the chants down, who sang them, ec.? The article tries to examine these questions on the basis of the Sanctus/Hagios, looking at its Greek and Latin text as well as examining the different melodies. Furthermore the article tries to compare the melody of the Byzantine Hagios with that of the Sanctus in the Missa graeca, although such a comparison is difficult due to the different neumatic systems used as well as due to the time difference of the manuscripts:Western manuscripts containing the Missa graeca date from the 10 th century,while Byzantine codices incorporating the Hagios are preserved only from the 14 th century.