Volume 102, Issue 2

The present study deals with the oldest surviving written reactions of Byzantine and Christian Oriental authors to the emergence of the Seljuk Turks in the Middle East and Asia Minor, mainly focusing on recognizable elements of a preexisting collective knowledge concerning barbarian nomads in general and the Turks in particular, as well as on prevailing modes of perception and mentalities reflected in these texts. The first part, after providing a survey of the extant material and the particularities of each tradition in Greek, Syriac, Armenian and Latin, examines the account of the late eleventh-century historian John Scylitzes in comparison with that of the twelfth-century Syrian writer Michael Syrus. The former appears to be a diligent compilation of ancient ethnographic stereotypes with pieces of historical information originating from the official Muslim version of Seljuk court ideology. Michael Syrus' report, instead, stays closer to ancient ethnographic traditions enriched with elements from Turkic myths of origin and biblical allusions. In general, one realizes the author's intention to explain the Turks' intrusion into the Muslim World through a rational interpretation of mythical features with the aid of religious, political and ethnological arguments. The second part concerns itself with Byzantine perceptions of early Seljuk institutions, in particular the notion of an independent Seljuk sultanate on Anatolian soil, which allegedly came into existence in about 1080. A re-examination of Anna Comnena and other relevant sources clearly shows that modern scholars who accept these views as historical facts widely ignore the highly confused and anachronistic use of terms, names and facts in Anna's account, which in retrospect describes the situation of 1080 through the prism of the realities of about 1140.

Codex Parisinus graecus 1601 preserves an anonymous family chronicle covering the years 1446–1458 which records in some detail the dates of its author's marriage and the birth of his children. Apart from restoring some readings from its previous recent edition, this article proposes an identification of the anonymous author with Ioannes Kanaboutzes. A scholar with historiographical interests, he is documented as a native of Phocaea and close associate of the Gattelusio, the Genoese rulers of the adjacent island of Lesbos. He is mostly known for his Commentary on Dionysios of Halicarnassus which he dedicated to Palamede Gattilusio, lord of Ainos and of Samothrace.

From the information previously available, the Triclinian edition of Theocritus, known through the manuscripts Paris, BNF gr. 2832 and Vaticano, BAV gr. 1825 + 1824, was believed to end with the Syrinx and the Ara Dosiadae . Thanks to the discovery of a folio of the MS. Vaticano, BAV gr. 1824 in the Bodleian Library in Oxford, we now know that it continued with at least the Ara Ionica and the Securis , both with Holobolus's scholia. Folio 144 of the MS. Oxford, BL D'Orville 71 thus now constitutes a prime witness of these scholia.

Hadrianoupolis lies on the principal western route from the Central Anatolian Plain through the mountains to Bartın and the Black Sea, 3 km west of the modern town of Eskipazar, near Karabük, in Roman Paphlagonia. It was a small but important site which controlled this major route and dominated a rich agricultural, especially vinicultural, enclave. In 2003 the local Archaeological Museum of Ereğli began a small-scale salvage excavation of the newly discovered main church of Hadrianoupolis, known as “Early Byzantine Church B”, situated in the centre of the ancient city. Only the floor and foundation levels are preserved. The church was erected probably in the early 6th century AD and may have still been in use as late as the 7th century. The most important discoveries at Church B were the floor mosaics which show personifications of four Biblical rivers: Euphrates, Tigris, Phison and Geon. Animals, floral and geometric designs, and an extensive inscription are also represented. In 2006 archaeological excavations were begun in Hadrianoupolis by a team from the Dokuz Eylül University, İzmir, under the direction of Dr Ergün Laflı. As a result of our 2005 surveys, it has now been confirmed that Hadrianoupolis lay indeed on the site of modern Eskipazar, with finds dating from the 1st century B.C. to the 8th century A.D. It also was determined that the core of the ancient city extended as far as the modern village of Budaklar and the surrounding districts of Hacı Ahmetler, Çaylı and Eleler, along the Eskipazar-Mengen highway for 8 km east-west and 3 km north-south. The chora of Hadrianoupolis is much more extensive in size. The field surveys in 2005 identified the remains of at least 24 buildings at the site. Among them are two bath buildings of the Late Roman period, two Early Byzantine churches, a fortified structure of the Byzantine period, a theatre (?), a vaulted building, a domed building and some domestic buildings with mosaic floors. In 2006 trenches were opened to investigate two of the best preserved of these buildings: Bath A and Early Byzantine Church A. In 2007 “Bath A”, “Bath B”, a Late Roman villa, an absidal Early Byzantine building, as well as two Roman monumental rock-cut graves, were excavated. The 2006–2007 campaigns have established that Hadrianoupolis was a fortified regional centre during the late Roman and early Byzantine period (5th–7th centuries), when it can easily be defined as a “polis” with civic buildings and a fairly large urban population, as well as an extensive agrarian rural population. Most of the visible surface remains belong to this period.

This article analyzes the organization and functioning of the Byzantine salt monopoly. Saltworks were owned by the state, but some were also owned by monasteries and laymen. State-owned saltworks were not run as state enterprises; rather, their operations were auctioned to private individuals by competitive bidding conducted by provincial governors. Auctions of saltworks could be combined with concessions of the salt sales tax or other rights to sources of local revenue (e. g. fisheries, wharfage). Concessionaires of saltworks often were obligated to deliver salt free of charge and tax in perpetuity to influential monasteries because of long-standing local customs. The state had a fiscal , not a market monopoly on salt as the price of salt was determined by market forces. Still, topography and seasonality of production and trade could provide opportunities for exploitation of inter-spatial and intertemporal price differentials. Disaggregation of the salt market into definable producer–wholesaler, wholesaler–retailer, and retailer–consumer submarkets evinces the varying impact that market structure can have on the degree of competition and on the firms' pricing strategies.

It is well known that the historical texts composed under the Macedonian dynasty (Theophanes Continuatus, Genesios, but also Leo the Deacon, Manuel protospatharios, John Skylitzes or even Michael Psellos) display certain element, which can be seen as attempts to make a clean break with the past; the formalist style of unbroken historical narrative was largely rejected in favour of historical biography in which the influence of rhetorical methods is self-evident. It is not known which criteria tipped the balance in favour of such a development, though we would do well to consider both the influence of Antiquity, and the close ties that bound biography to hagiography, which from the empire's very beginnings ( Vita Constantini ) also served as a uniquely Byzantine mode of promoting the image of the emperor. It may be legitimate to speak of a new type of historical writing which is specifically designed for the extremely beautified career of its subject and constitutes a contemporary movement which manifested itself in various cultural contexts.

Demetrios Ducas was a Cretan scholar who emigrated to Italy at the end of the 15th century and then moved to Spain in 1513. Both his editorship of Greek texts in Venice for Aldus Manutius and his activity as a professor of Greek and editor of the New Testament under the aegis of Cardinal Cisneros are well documented. However, no manuscript of his hand and no codex or printed book belonging to his library have been identified so far. This paper reviews testimonies from Ducas' colleagues in Alcalá between 1513 and 1518 and some manuscripts copied at the time in the Complutensian Academy. Such manuscripts give us relevant evidence for a conjectural reconstruction of Ducas' library and open the road to a future identification of his hand. To this end manuscripts Escur. R III 5, Salm. 769, Salm. 295, Salm. 9 and Vat. Reg. gr. Pii II 16 are carefully examined.

This article examines the passing of the Palamedes episode, a matter from the subtexts of the Epic Cycle, into Byzantine rhetoric. This scene forms the center of a topic in the Progymnasmata of three Byzantine writers, Nikolaos Sophistes, Nikephoros Basilakes and George Pachymeres, while at the same time this matter is used (with a different function) also by Constantine Manasses, in his Synopsis Chronike . The way of use and the evaluation of the episode in these texts are examined in detail. In particular, Basilakes' and Pachymeres' Progymnasmata (διηγήματα), in which the Palamedes episode is used in an autonomous way, are compared with each other, and the differences of style, syntax, grammar and vocabulary between the texts of these wo writers are determined.

One of the main trends of research on the Vita Basilii has been focused on the connections between this text and the rest of the historical work into which it was subsumed, the so-called Continuation of Theophanes . This research has significant implications for the chronology and the sources of the Vita , and for its function and meaning as well. Even if the circumstances of composition of both texts are far from being clear, and the same can be said of its authorship and most of its sources, a close examination of a set of key passages allows to throw some light on the chronology and the sources of the Vita . This passages can be found in the regnum Michaelis of the Continuation and in the Vita and refer to episodes with particular importance, as they constitute the core of the psógos of Michael III. This approach will show that the Vita Basilii can by no means be considered prior to the books I–IV of the Continuation and, therefore, will justify a reformulation of the current chronological hypothesis. In connection with the function and meaning of the Vita , it allows to interpret it as a stylistic reworking which pursued to be the last word of the emperor on the deeds of his dubious grandfather and, in fact, on the historical mission of the Macedonian dynasty.