Conclusion
-
Christopher Norton
Abstract
The conclusion considers the legacy of constitutional nationalist tradition. It recaps on its diverse ideological composition, ranging from conservative Catholic communalism to left-nationalism, and it discusses its political strategies and their limitations. It concludes that the strategic imperative of securing national unity above all else, and the excessive reliance on Dublin to facilitate this, did little to ameliorate Catholic disadvantage in Northern Ireland, in fact abstentionism tended to encourage a general disengagement from politics amongst many Catholics which added to a sense of hopelessness. Political disengagement also tended to reinforce a position which paid little regard to the necessity of engaging with, or accommodating, unionist opinion. The conclusion also considers the period of the late 1950s and 1960s when a number more liberally inclined nationalists sought to break with the political millenarianism of nationalist orthodoxy and reshape nationalism as a modernised, progressive movement free from ethnic labels and historical baggage: a pluralist nationalism. This attempt ultimately failed, but it is argued its novelty - a genuine attempt to move beyond the inertia of sectarian confrontation and an acknowledgement that consent and agreement must provide the basis of any reconciliation between Nationalism and Unionism - secures its place in contemporary history.
Abstract
The conclusion considers the legacy of constitutional nationalist tradition. It recaps on its diverse ideological composition, ranging from conservative Catholic communalism to left-nationalism, and it discusses its political strategies and their limitations. It concludes that the strategic imperative of securing national unity above all else, and the excessive reliance on Dublin to facilitate this, did little to ameliorate Catholic disadvantage in Northern Ireland, in fact abstentionism tended to encourage a general disengagement from politics amongst many Catholics which added to a sense of hopelessness. Political disengagement also tended to reinforce a position which paid little regard to the necessity of engaging with, or accommodating, unionist opinion. The conclusion also considers the period of the late 1950s and 1960s when a number more liberally inclined nationalists sought to break with the political millenarianism of nationalist orthodoxy and reshape nationalism as a modernised, progressive movement free from ethnic labels and historical baggage: a pluralist nationalism. This attempt ultimately failed, but it is argued its novelty - a genuine attempt to move beyond the inertia of sectarian confrontation and an acknowledgement that consent and agreement must provide the basis of any reconciliation between Nationalism and Unionism - secures its place in contemporary history.
Chapters in this book
- Front matter i
- Contents v
- Acknowledgements vii
- List of abbreviations ix
- Introduction 1
- 1 The politics of abstentionism, 1932–39 8
- 2 The outbreak of war, 1939–40 31
- 3 The war years, 1940–45 49
- 4 The Irish Anti-Partition League 75
- 5 Deteriorating relations with Dublin, 1950–55 96
- 6 The Sinn Féin challenge and the birth of the Nationalist Party, 1955–59 121
- 7 National Unity 140
- 8 Nationalist Party 153
- Conclusion 177
- Bibliography 181
- Index 188
Chapters in this book
- Front matter i
- Contents v
- Acknowledgements vii
- List of abbreviations ix
- Introduction 1
- 1 The politics of abstentionism, 1932–39 8
- 2 The outbreak of war, 1939–40 31
- 3 The war years, 1940–45 49
- 4 The Irish Anti-Partition League 75
- 5 Deteriorating relations with Dublin, 1950–55 96
- 6 The Sinn Féin challenge and the birth of the Nationalist Party, 1955–59 121
- 7 National Unity 140
- 8 Nationalist Party 153
- Conclusion 177
- Bibliography 181
- Index 188
