Glottal stop insertion and production planning domains in French
-
Tobias Scheer
Abstract
The article introduces an experimental study of glottal stops that are generated by h aspiré (H) in French (il [ʔ] hoche la tête). To date the phenomenon is merely mentioned in passing, and evidence only comes from native speaker intuitions and cursory personal observation. Participants pronounced verbs that either did (hocher) or did not (aimer) begin with an H, whereby the left context was controlled for: the preceding word could end in a vowel (tu hoches/aimes), in a consonant (il hoche/aime) or in a liaison consonant (LC nous hochons/aimons). Results confirm the observation made in the literature regarding the high variability of H: lexical (elision is much more frequent in j’harcèle than in j’hais), inter-speaker (some participants chose unelided je for 10 out of 12 H verbs, while others only for 4 H verbs) and intra-speaker (participants pronounced vous [z] hissez with liaison, while they chose je hisse in a multiple choice-based pretest). Results also confirmed that H is indeed a glottal stop creator: glottal stops occur much more often before H-initial than before V-initial words. The glottal stop rate also depended on the left context: while LC + H (nous hochons) and C + H (il hoche) are statistically indistinguishable, both are significantly distinct from V + H (tu hoches). This suggests that glottal stop insertion is sensitive to all types of preceding consonants, whether they are pronounced (C + H) or not (LC + H). This result is relevant in the debate on French liaison where it was claimed that (some) LCs are epenthetic, that is absent from phonological computation when unpronounced: this view is challenged by the experimental evidence. On the analytic side, the article argues that all glottal stops that occur stand in Strong Position, i.e. word-initially or after a consonant {#,C}__ (Ségéral, Philippe & Tobias Scheer. 2001. La Coda-Miroir. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 96. 107–152). The word-initial position is in fact domain-initial, and it is a long standing observation in the literature that H sets off its word into a separate domain. Thus even glottal stops in V + H (tu hoches) that appear to occur in intervocalic position may in fact be domain-initial V + [H]. The question then is what kind of domain could be responsible for the (rare) presence of glottal stops in V + V (tu aimes): such a domain V + [V] cannot stem from H, nor can it be of morpho-syntactic origin. It is argued that these domains are production planning domains in the sense of Wagner (2012. Locality in phonology and production planning. McGill Working Papers in Linguistics 22. 1–18 and following).
Pilot study with H nouns
LC + V probed in two configurations: Adj + N DET + N 1 un petit exposé ce sont des évêques 2 un grand évier ce sont des éditeurs 3 un gros enjeu ce sont des examens 4 un long institut ce sont des instituts 5 un faux atome ce sont des annuaires 6 un excellent annuaire ce sont des enjeux 7 un vilain abandon ce sont des abandons 8 un soi-disant évêque ce sont des éviers 9 un inquiétant examen ce sont des exposés 10 un plaisant éditeur ce sont des atomes Main experiment with H verbs
a. X + H (CL, C, V followed by H) CL + H C + H V + H 1 nous hantons nos ennemis elle hache l’oignon tu haches le persil 2 nous haïssons le chômage elle harcèle sa copine tu hais les dictateurs 3 nous heurtons la glissière elle harponne le poisson tu hantes tes voisins 4 nous hochons la tête elle hausse la voix tu harcèles le prof 5 nous huons l’attaquant elle hisse le pavillon bleu tu harponnes les requins 6 nous hâtons l’échéance elle hurle au voleur tu hausses le ton 7 vous hachez la viande il hait les examens tu heurtes la loi 8 vous harcelez le directeur il hante le château tu hisses le drapeau 9 vous harponnez la baleine il heurte le bon goût tu hoches la tête 10 vous haussez les épaules il hoche les épaules tu hues l’arbitre 11 vous hissez la voile il hue le ministre tu hurles à l’injustice 12 vous hurlez au loup il hâte son départ tu hâtes la guérison b. X + V (CL, C, V followed by V) CL + V C + V V + V 1 nous aimons le foot elle aide sa mère tu aides les clients 2 nous appelons le prof elle apprend l’anglais tu aimes le cinéma 3 nous entendons la rue elle arrête la cigarette tu appelles ta mère 4 nous envoyons des lettres elle attend le bus tu apprends un métier 5 nous essayons un plat exotique elle occupe toute la place tu arrêtes le café 6 nous ouvrons le livre elle oublie le temps tu attends les résultats 7 vous aidez les enfants il aime les fraises tu entends les chiens 8 vous apprenez l’espagnol il appelle son copain tu envoies le document 9 vous arrêtez le sport il entend le tram arriver tu essaies le pantalon 10 vous attendez le train il envoie un colis tu occupes le créneau prévu 11 vous occupez peu d’espace il essaie la nouvelle voiture tu oublies les ennuis 12 vous oubliez vos obligations il ouvre la porte tu ouvres le garage
References
Abouda, Lotfi, Céline Dugua & Guillaume Enguehard. 2020. A propos de quelques exceptions aux règles de la liaison et de l’élision. Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Française (CMLF) 2020 SHS Web of Conferences 78. 09010. https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20207809010.Suche in Google Scholar
Bailey, George. 2019. Ki(ng) in the North: Effects of duration, boundary and pause on post-nasal [g]-presence. Laboratory Phonology 10. 3.10.5334/labphon.115Suche in Google Scholar
Bermúdez-Otero, Ricardo. 2018. In defence of underlying representations: Latin rhotacism, French liaison, Romanian palatalization. Probus 30. 171214. https://doi.org/10.1515/probus-2017-0006.Suche in Google Scholar
Boersma, Paul. 2001. Praat, a system for doing phonetics by computer. Glot International 5(9–10). 341–345.Suche in Google Scholar
Chomsky, Noam. 2001. Derivation by phase. In Michael Kenstowicz (ed.), Ken Hale: A life in language, 1–52. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.10.7551/mitpress/4056.003.0004Suche in Google Scholar
Clements, George & Samuel Keyser. 1983. CV phonology. A generative theory of the syllable. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.Suche in Google Scholar
Cornulier, Benoît de. 1978. Syllables et suites de phonèmes en phonologie du français. In Benoît de Cornulier & François Dell (eds.), Etudes de phonologie française, 31–66. Paris: CNRS éditions.Suche in Google Scholar
Cornulier, Benoît de. 1981. H-aspiré et la syllabation: Expressions disjonctives. In Didier Goyvaerts (ed.), Phonology in the 1980’s, 183–230. Ghent: Story-Scientia.10.1075/ssls.4.09corSuche in Google Scholar
Côté, Marie-Hélène. 2005. Le statut lexical des consonnes de liaison. Langages 158. 66–78. https://doi.org/10.3917/lang.158.0066.Suche in Google Scholar
Côté, Marie-Hélène. 2008. Empty elements in schwa, liaison and h aspiré: The French Holy Trinity revisited. In Jutta Hartmann, Veronika Hegedüs & Henk van Riemsdijk (eds.), Sounds of silence: Empty elements in syntax and phonology, 61–103. Amsterdam: Elsevier.Suche in Google Scholar
Côté, Marie-Hélène. 2011. French liaison. In Marc van Oostendorp, Colin Ewen, Elizabeth Hume & Keren Rice (eds.), The Blackwell companion to phonology, 2685–2710. New York: Wiley-Blackwell.Suche in Google Scholar
Delattre, Pierre. 1966. Studies in French and comparative phonetics. The Hague: Mouton.10.1515/9783112416105Suche in Google Scholar
Dell, François. 1973. Les règles et les sons, 2nd edn. 1985. Paris: Hermann.Suche in Google Scholar
Durand, Jacques. 2014. Corpora, variation and phonology: An illustration from French liaison. In Jacques Durand, Ulrike Gutt & Gjert Kristoffersen (eds.), The Oxford handbook of corpus phonology, 240–264. Oxford: OUP.Suche in Google Scholar
Durand, Jacques, Bernard Laks & Chantal Lyche. 2014. French phonology from a corpus perspective. The PFC programme. In Jacques Durand, Ulrike Gutt & Gjert Kristoffersen (eds.), The Oxford handbook of corpus phonology, 486–497. Oxford: OUP.10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199571932.001.0001Suche in Google Scholar
Encrevé, Pierre. 1988. La liaison avec et sans enchaînement: Phonologie tridimensionnelle et usages du français. Paris: Seuil.Suche in Google Scholar
Encrevé, Pierre & Tobias Scheer. 2005. Autosegmental association is not automatic. Paper presented at the 13th Manchester Phonology Meeting, Manchester, 26–28 May.Suche in Google Scholar
Gabriel, Christoph & Trudel Meisenburg. 2009. Silent onsets? An optimality-theoretic approach to French h aspiré words. In Frank Kügler, Caroline Féry & Ruben van de Vijver (eds.), Variation and gradience in phonetics and phonology, 163–184. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9783110219326.163Suche in Google Scholar
Grammont, Maurice. 1914. Traité pratique de prononciation française. Paris: Delgrave.Suche in Google Scholar
Hillenbrand, James M. & Robert A. Houde. 1996. Role of F0 and amplitude in the perception of intervocalic glottal stops. Journal of Speech and Hearing Research 39. 1882–1190. https://doi.org/10.1044/jshr.3906.1182.Suche in Google Scholar
Kilbourn-Ceron, Oriana. 2017a. Speech production planning affects variation in external sandhi. McGill University PhD dissertation.Suche in Google Scholar
Kilbourn-Ceron, Oriana. 2017b. Speech production planning affects phonological variability: A case study in French liaison. In Proceedings of the Annual Meeting on Phonology (AMP), USC. Available at: http://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/4004.10.3765/amp.v4i0.4004Suche in Google Scholar
Kilbourn-Ceron, Oriana, Meghan Clayards & Andreas Wagner. 2020. Predictability modulates pronunciation variants through speech planning effects: A case study on coronal stop realizations. Laboratory Phonology 11. 5. https://doi.org/10.5334/labphon.168.Suche in Google Scholar
Kilbourn-Ceron, Oriana & Morgan Sonderegger. 2018. Boundary phenomena and variability in Japanese high vowel devoicing. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 36. 175–217. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-017-9368-x.Suche in Google Scholar
Kilbourn-Ceron, Oriana, Michael Wagner & Meghan Clayards. 2017. The effect of production planning locality on external sandhi: A study in /t/. In Proceedings of the 52nd Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, 313–326.Suche in Google Scholar
Kiparsky, Paul. 1982. From cyclic phonology to lexical phonology. In Harry van der Hulst & Norval Smith (eds.), The structure of phonological representations I, 131–175. Dordrecht: Foris.Suche in Google Scholar
Klausenburger, Jürgen. 1974. Rule inversion, opacity, conspiracies: French liaison and elision. Lingua 34. 167–179. https://doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(74)90015-1.Suche in Google Scholar
Labov, William & Ingrid Rosenfelder. 2011. The Philadelphia Neighborhood Corpus of LING 560 studies, 1972–2010. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania.Suche in Google Scholar
Ladefoged, Peter & Ian Maddieson. 1996. The sounds of the world’s languages. Cambridge: Blackwell.Suche in Google Scholar
Levelt, Willem J. M., Ardi Roelofs & Antje S. Meyer. 1999. A theory of lexical access in speech production. The Behavioral and Brain Sciences 22. 1–75. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x99001776.Suche in Google Scholar
Malécot, André. 1975. The glottal stop in French. Phonetica 31. 51–63. https://doi.org/10.1159/000259649.Suche in Google Scholar
Morin, Yves Charles. 1974. Règles phonologiques à domaine indéterminé: Chute de cheva en français. Cahier de Linguistique 4. 69–88. https://doi.org/10.7202/800029ar.Suche in Google Scholar
Morin, Yves Charles. 1987. French data and phonological theory. Linguistics 25. 815–843. https://doi.org/10.1515/ling.1987.25.5.815.Suche in Google Scholar
New, Boris, Christophe Pallier, Marc Brysbaert & Ludovic Ferrand. 2004. Lexique 2: A new French lexical database. Behavior Research Methods, Instruments, & Computers 36. 516–524. https://doi.org/10.3758/bf03195598.Suche in Google Scholar
Pagliano, Claudine. 2003. L’épenthèse consonantique en français. Ce que la syntaxe, la sémantique et la morphologie peuvent faire à la phonologie. Université de Nice Ph.D dissertation.Suche in Google Scholar
Paradis, Carole & Fatimazohra El Fenne. 1992. L’alternance C/ø des verbes français: Une analyse par contraintes et stratégies de réparation. Revue Québecoise de Linguistique 21. 107–141.10.7202/602739arSuche in Google Scholar
Priestly, Tom M. S. 1976. A note on glottal stop. Phonetica 33. 268–274. https://doi.org/10.1159/000259775.Suche in Google Scholar
Schane, Sanford. 1978. L’emploi des frontières de mot en français. In Benoît de Cornulier & François Dell (eds.), Etudes de phonologie française, 133–147. Paris: Editions du CNRS.Suche in Google Scholar
Scheer, Tobias & Pierre Encrevé. forth. Identity avoidance in French external sandhi.Suche in Google Scholar
Schwartz, Geoffrey. 2013. Vowel hiatus at Polish word boundaries – phonetic realization and phonological implications. Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 49. 557–585. https://doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2013-0021.Suche in Google Scholar
Ségéral, Philippe & Tobias Scheer. 2001. La Coda-Miroir. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 96. 107–152. https://doi.org/10.2143/bsl.96.1.503739.Suche in Google Scholar
Ségéral, Philippe & Tobias Scheer. 2008a. Positional factors in lenition and fortition. In Joaquim Brandão de Carvalho, Tobias Scheer & Philippe Ségéral (eds.), Lenition and fortition, 131–172. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9783110211443.1.131Suche in Google Scholar
Ségéral, Philippe & Tobias Scheer. 2008b. The Coda Mirror, stress and positional parameters. In Joaquim Brandão de Carvalho, Tobias Scheer & Philippe Ségéral (eds.), Lenition and fortition, 483–518. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9783110211443.3.483Suche in Google Scholar
Selkirk, Elisabeth. 1981 [1978]. On prosodic structure and its relation to syntactic structure. In Thorstein Fretheim (ed.), Nordic prosody II, 111–140. Trondheim: TAPIR.Suche in Google Scholar
Selkirk, Elisabeth. 1996. The prosodic structure of function words. In James Morgan & Katherine Demuth (eds.), Signal to syntax: Bootstrapping from syntax to grammar in early acquisition, 187–213. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.Suche in Google Scholar
Tamminga, Meredith. 2018. Modulation of the following segment effect on English coronal stop deletion by syntactic boundaries. Glossa 3. 86. https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.489.Suche in Google Scholar
Tanner, James, Morgan Sonderegger & Michael Wagner. 2017. Production planning and coronal stop deletion in spontaneous speech. Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology 8. 15. https://doi.org/10.5334/labphon.96.Suche in Google Scholar
Tranel, Bernard. 1981. Concreteness in generative phonology. Evidence from French. Berkeley: University of California Press.Suche in Google Scholar
Tranel, Bernard. 1987. The sounds of French. An introduction. Cambridge: CUP.10.1017/CBO9780511620645Suche in Google Scholar
Tranel, Bernard. 1992. The representation of French final consonants and related issues. In Jon Amastae, Grant Goodall, Marianne Phinney & Mario Montalbetti (eds.), Contemporary research in Romance linguistics, 53–78. Amsterdam: Benjamins.10.1075/cilt.123.06traSuche in Google Scholar
Tranel, Bernard. 1995a. French final consonants and non-linear phonology. Lingua 95. 131–167. https://doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(94)00021-d.Suche in Google Scholar
Tranel, Bernard. 1995b. Current issues in French phonology: Liaison and position theories. In John Goldsmith (ed.), The handbook of phonological theory, 798–816. Cambridge (MA): Blackwell.Suche in Google Scholar
Tranel, Bernard. 2000. Aspects de la phonologie du français et la théorie de l’optimalité. Langue Française 126. 39–72. https://doi.org/10.3406/lfr.2000.989.Suche in Google Scholar
Tyler, Matthew. 2019. Simplifying Match Word: Evidence from English functional categories. Glossa 4. 15.10.5334/gjgl.631Suche in Google Scholar
Wagner, Michael. 2012. Locality in phonology and production planning. McGill Working Papers in Linguistics 22. 1–18.Suche in Google Scholar
Wagner, Michael, Josiane Lachapelle & Oriana Kilbourn-Ceron. 2020. Liaison and the localiy of production planning. Paper presented at LabPhon 7, Vancouver, July 2020.Suche in Google Scholar
Wetzels, Leo. 2002. Les adjectifs pré-nominaux du français: Formes longues et formes féminines. In Haike Jacobs & Leo Wetzels (eds.), Liber amicorum Bernard Bichakjian, 273–306. Maastricht: Shaker Publications.Suche in Google Scholar
© 2024 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston
Artikel in diesem Heft
- Frontmatter
- Articles
- How word stress is realized in Thai: evidence from the ordering of coordinate compounds
- Only states can be gradable
- A syntactic analysis of <no + event deverbal nominalization> in Spanish
- Glottal stop insertion and production planning domains in French
- Chinese topic constructions are derived by movement: evidence from acceptability judgment experiments
Artikel in diesem Heft
- Frontmatter
- Articles
- How word stress is realized in Thai: evidence from the ordering of coordinate compounds
- Only states can be gradable
- A syntactic analysis of <no + event deverbal nominalization> in Spanish
- Glottal stop insertion and production planning domains in French
- Chinese topic constructions are derived by movement: evidence from acceptability judgment experiments
