Abstract
Pazar (Atina) and Ardeshen are the two western dialects of Laz spoken in Turkey. Pazar exhibits alternating case patterns for arguments depending on their semantic denotation, while Ardeshen has lost its morphological case system. Yet, both dialects make use of a rich verbal agreement system. This paper aims to investigate the impact of the absence of case morphology on Ardeshen with specific emphasis on subjecthood. We will argue that Pazar Laz, retaining differentiated case marking for the subjects, typologically constitutes a clear example of Initiation-language. Ardeshen, on the other hand, has lost some of the Initiation-language properties available in Pazar, which we will argue to be correlated with the loss of its morphological case system.
Abbreviations
- all
allative
- appl
applicative
- aug
augment
- benef
benefactive
- caus
causative
- cop
copula
- dat
dative
- erg
ergative
- exp
experiencer
- nml
nominalizer
- nom
nominative
- obj
object
- p
person
- past
past
- pl
plural
- ppl
person plural
- pres
present
- ps
person singular
- pv
preverb
- recip
recipient
- stat
stative
- subj
subject
- ts
thematic suffix
- val
valency
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Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Languages of the Caucasus and contact-induced language change
- The loss of case system in Ardeshen Laz and its morphosyntactic consequences
- The impact of language contact on Hinuq
- Complement clauses in Caucasian Urum
- The development of person agreement and the cliticization of personal pronouns in Batsbi
Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Languages of the Caucasus and contact-induced language change
- The loss of case system in Ardeshen Laz and its morphosyntactic consequences
- The impact of language contact on Hinuq
- Complement clauses in Caucasian Urum
- The development of person agreement and the cliticization of personal pronouns in Batsbi