Abstract
The present study comprises the first approximation of the indexical field of Chilean Spanish creaky voice, a type of prosodic variation that is highly understudied in Spanish. This study asks what creaky voice means to listeners and what (social) identities they attribute to its users. Results of a survey collecting both quantitative and open-ended qualitative data from 148 Chilean Spanish listeners point to creaky voice being associated with lower status, familiar relationships, informal and relaxed style, perceived older age (for women talkers) and tall stature (for men talkers). I show that these results mirror embodied and ideological distinctions for creaky voice within this dialect, rather than actual production patterns. This study lays the groundwork for further examinations of the meaning of creaky voice in additional cross-linguistic and cross-cultural settings.
See Table A1.
Stimuli content.
Speaker | Utterance | |
---|---|---|
1f | 1 | Estuve estudiando. Tomando clases virtuales. |
‘I was studying. Taking virtual classes.’ | ||
2 | Tal vez, estoy aburriendo a esta persona. Tal vez, como, ya le pareció demasiado largo el tema y quiere cambiar. | |
‘Maybe, I’m boring this person. Maybe, like, it already seemed like it was too long and they want to change the subject.’ | ||
2f | 1 | Entonces yo siempre voy preguntando, ya, y qué pasó aquí, y acá, durante el día, y siempre me cuenta todo. |
‘So, I’m always asking, like, ‘Okay, and what happened here? And here, during the day?’ And they always tell me everything.’ | ||
2 | Eh, tienen una área común abajo, donde la gente, efectivamente baja. | |
‘Eh, they have a common area downstairs, where people actually go down.’ | ||
4f | 1 | Plaza Dignidad. Allá, protestando. Porque queríamos cambiar la constitución y al final estamos igual. |
‘Plaza Dignidad. Over there, protesting. Because we wanted to change the constitution, and in the end, we’re still the same.’ | ||
2 | Ya no era bonito. Ya no era una rebelión del pueblo. No po. Porque empezaron a pasar cosas feas. | |
‘It wasn’t nice anymore. It wasn’t a people’s rebellion anymore. No. Because ugly things started happening.’ | ||
5f | 1 | Y me quitaron todo. Y fue terrible. Muy muy muy terrible. |
‘And they took everything from me. And it was terrible. Very, very, very terrible.’ | ||
2 | Tiene rutinas muy así de, levantarse a las dos de la tarde, almorzar así… | |
‘They have routines very much like, getting up at two in the afternoon, having lunch like that…’ | ||
2m | 1 | Me agarré harto al tema de la antropología, ¿cachai? |
‘I really got into anthropology, you know?’ | ||
2 | Mi profe de lenguaje, puta que lo quería caleta. | |
‘My language teacher, damn, I really liked him a lot’. | ||
3m | 1 | Me daba vergüenza ir a preguntarle a él, queríh jugar conmigo? (risa) Me costaba mucho esto. |
‘I was embarrassed to go ask him, ‘Do you want to play with me?’ (laughs) It was really hard for me.’ | ||
2 | Estoy aprendiendo un idioma que… como tiene más poder, y por eso lo estoy aprendiendo, y eso me cuesta. | |
‘I’m learning a language that… like, has more power, and that’s why I’m learning it, and that’s hard for me.’ | ||
4m | 1 | No, no tanto. O sea, creo, como, en lo que me dijeron, en Dios y todo eso, pero no soy tan… |
‘No, not really. I mean, I believe, like, in what they told me, in God and all that, but I’m not that…’ | ||
2 | Me portaba mal, desordenado… pero no, me iba bien igual, en el colegio | |
‘I misbehaved, I was disorderly… but no, I still did well in school.’ |
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- Frontmatter
- Research Articles
- Generational change in the conditioning of coda /r/ manner of articulation in Lorain Puerto Rican Spanish
- An initial approximation of the indexical field of creaky voice in Chilean Spanish
- A continuous and categorical approach to the L2 acquisition of Spanish voiced stop allophones
- Testing competing accounts of adjective-noun code-switching in a Spanish-English written corpus
- Gender-inclusive morphology in Spanish: learnability, processing costs, and use
- Exploring factors that influence the accusative/dative experiencer alternation in Spanish psych verbs: data from three types of Spanish–English bilinguals
- Perception of Spanish diphthong /ei/ by second language and heritage speakers of Spanish: findings from two perception tasks
Artikel in diesem Heft
- Frontmatter
- Research Articles
- Generational change in the conditioning of coda /r/ manner of articulation in Lorain Puerto Rican Spanish
- An initial approximation of the indexical field of creaky voice in Chilean Spanish
- A continuous and categorical approach to the L2 acquisition of Spanish voiced stop allophones
- Testing competing accounts of adjective-noun code-switching in a Spanish-English written corpus
- Gender-inclusive morphology in Spanish: learnability, processing costs, and use
- Exploring factors that influence the accusative/dative experiencer alternation in Spanish psych verbs: data from three types of Spanish–English bilinguals
- Perception of Spanish diphthong /ei/ by second language and heritage speakers of Spanish: findings from two perception tasks