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Challenging linguicentrism in translation: a semiotic approach to the emergence of a female counterculture in digital spaces

  • Mengying Jiang EMAIL logo
Published/Copyright: August 13, 2025
Semiotica
From the journal Semiotica

Abstract

In the summer of 2020, the reality television show “Sisters Who Make Waves” became a sensation across China. Featuring a cast of 30 sisters over the age of 30, the show aimed to challenge ageist stereotypes and promote female empowerment. It initiated a “Sister Wave” and reconfigured the connotation of the Chinese term jiejie (‘elder sister’). Moreover, it brought jiexue (‘elder sister studies’) to public attention, a term coined by Internet users to celebrate the allure and charisma of older women. This paper adopts Kobus Marais’s semiotic theory of translation to analyze the process by which jiejie is semiotically translated into the online female counterculture jiexue. By extending the notion of translation beyond linguistic boundaries to explore the emergence of jiexue as a manifestation of Chinese digital feminism, this paper argues that Marais’s semiotic theorization of translation proves particularly valuable in developing a transdisciplinary approach that can unlock the potential of translation across the humanities.

1 Introduction

Age discrimination against women is prevalent in various aspects of Chinese society. According to Webster (2011), age (typically under 30) is a primary factor considered in many job advertisements for women in China. It is not uncommon today to witness the denial of job opportunities to women over the age of 30. Once a woman reaches the “advanced” age of 30, she is deemed to have lost her competitiveness in both the employment and marriage markets in China. The term “leftover women,” widely circulated in Chinese society, has gradually been normalized by the media to describe educated, successful, and unmarried women above the age of 27. Middle-aged actresses in China also grapple with being “the Invisible Women” in the notoriously ageist entertainment industry (Xue and Liu 2020). Consequently, many of them struggle to maintain a youthful image in order to secure more job opportunities. Chinese women’s preoccupation with marriage, age, and societal pressures reflects the enduring influence of patriarchal discourses in Chinese society.

Against this backdrop, 乘风破浪的姐姐 (‘Sisters Who Make Waves’, hereafter referred to as “Sisters”), produced by Hunan Television, is perceived by contemporary female audiences as an inspiring initiative that challenges the discriminatory gender roles imposed on women by society. It breaks away from the genre norm of idol competitions that typically feature young girls under 25. Instead, it invites 30 celebrities over the age of 30, some even in their 50s, to compete for spots in an all-female band. The producers adopted the concept of 姐姐 (jiejie,[1] ‘elder sister’) to lead the public in embracing the beauty of these so-called “old girls.” The show claims to openly defy rigid and superficial standards for females, advocating for a diverse range of female values and beauty. It has redefined the meaning of the Chinese address form jiejie. Rather than simply referring to elder sisters, this term now represents distinct and extraordinary qualities emblematic of empowered women who can inspire and uplift other women, especially those who are younger.

The immense popularity of the TV show “Sisters” has brought 姐学 (jiexue, ‘elder sister studies’) into the public eye. Young female audiences idolize the jiejie and express a desire to study and appreciate their charisma. In response, some Internet users have coined the term jiexue as a collective identity for these women. This paper adopts a semiotic approach to investigate how jiejie is translated into jiexue. Here, “translation” is understood not in its conventional linguistic sense, but as a semiotic process in the Peircean tradition. Charles Peirce’s notion of translation refers to the continuous process of meaning creation, where meaning is formed by translating a sign into another system of signs. Building on this, Marais (2019) proposes that all forms of meaning-making are essentially acts of translation. He defines translation as “a technical term that refers to the semiotic process in all its guises” (Marais 2019: 107). This process is not merely the transfer of meaning but a complex interaction of signs, generating new meanings across different systems.

Following Marais’s semiotic definition of translation as “a process that creates relationships between existing meanings, thereby creating new meanings” (2019: 123), this study investigates the semiotic translation process by which the new meaning jiexue emerges from jiejie. Marais conceptualizes translation as “the creation of new semiotic links between incipient sign system(s) and subsequent sign system(s)” (2019: 145). In this case, the initial sign system of jiejie undergoes a relationship-building process and is subsequently translated into the subsequent sign system of jiexue. This study aims to elucidate the semiotic patterns driving the meaning-making process that establishes connections between jiejie and jiexue. These semiotic patterns can be explored through Marais’s complexity approach to the semiotic process, which uses concepts such as constraints and attractors to analyze the emergence of social cultural reality through semiotic work.

To study the emergence of the online female culture jiexue, I set out to construct an analytical model that encompasses a feminist perspective within Marais’s semiotic translation theory to explore the evolving semiotic process from jiejie to jiexue. By integrating a complexity perspective and a theory of emergent semiotics, Marais conceptualizes translation as “an instance of inter-systemic relationships” (2014: 76) and “an emergent semiotic phenomenon that underlies, in part, the emergence of social reality” (Marais 2014: 77). This paper centers on how semiotic agents reconstitute the original meaning of jiejie and reproduce a position for a woman subject of semiosis in response to the burgeoning digital feminism within the TV show system and the social media system in China. Key concepts from Marais’s semiotic theory of translation, such as “initial conditions,” “boundary conditions,” “attractors” and “constraints,” will be employed to uncover the emergence of jiexue as an online female counterculture. For the analysis of the inter-systemic semiotic relationship between the language system and the TV show system, the first episode of “Sisters” will be selected as it provides seminal insights into the interpretation of the term jiejie that the show intends to convey. In exploring the inter-systemic semiotic relationship between the language system and the social media system, research materials will be collected from three major social platforms in China: Douban, an interest-based social networking platform; Bilibili, a Chinese video sharing website; and Sina Weibo, commonly referred to as “Chinese Twitter.” These social media platforms serve as online spaces where Chinese youth gather to express their feminist concerns.

In particular, this study focuses on the semiotic changes driven by time and space, since translation, as a semiotic process, involves movement through temporal and spatial variations. The temporal aspect of the translation from jiejie to jiexue is reflected in three pivotal events: the 2012 Douban love story featuring a fictional jiejie and a younger girl, the 2018 Sina Weibo trending topic #Ladies’ Dignity#, and the 2020 nationwide popularity of the show “Sisters,” after which jiexue gained widespread recognition. These events are not merely chronological markers but integral to the semiotic process, which unfolds within its own temporal logic. Spatially, the concept of jiejie shifts from its original context in the language system to its reinterpretation in social media and television show systems. As semiotic translation is an ongoing process of “changing or creating relationships” between representamen, object, and interpretant across time and space, this study seeks to uncover how meaning emerges when these elements are interconnected, mediated, and translated into a unified whole.

Semiotic translation is fundamentally about creating mediating relationships. In this study, two significant meaning-making relationships emerge. The first is between the language system and the television show system, where jiejie serves as the representamen, the beautiful and charming female celebrities in “Sisters” are the object, and the interpretant is the notion that older women possess their own charm. The second relationship is between the language system and the social media system, with jiejie again as the representamen, professional and competent women as the object, and the interpretant as a reflection of female sociality and female homosexuality. The former relationship is constructed by feminist-oriented television show producers, while the latter is shaped by young Chinese female audiences who are critical of traditional media portrayals of women. These two semiotic relationships are interrelated and should not be viewed in isolation. The central inquiry of this study is how these semiotic interactions unfold within digital spaces and how they contribute to the emergence of a unique form of online female counterculture through the process of semiotic translation.

By addressing these questions, this paper argues that Marais’s semiotic theorization of translation offers valuable insights for developing a transdisciplinary approach that encourages innovative and meaningful exchange of ideas between translation and other disciplines within the humanities. As Blumczynski (2016: 2) suggests, “it is not so much the concept of translation that travels through various disciplines of the humanities. It is rather us, both as translators and translation researchers, who travel through these disciplines.” As a nomadic thinker, I intend to traverse the realms of semiotics, translation studies, and digital feminism to facilitate “genuine, exciting, serious, innovative, and meaningful exchange between various areas of the humanities” (Blumczynski 2016: 4).

2 Constructing an analytical model for the emergence of jiexue: semiotics, translation, and feminism

Translation studies has traditionally focused on interlingual translation, confining itself to the translation of texts between different languages. However, from a semiotic perspective, translation encompasses a much broader domain, encompassing the translation between various semiosic systems. Semiosis, as a process of translation and interpretation, cannot exist without translation. It is through translation that meaning is generated. Meaning can be seen as the translation of a sign into another system of signs, making the creation of meaning itself a form of translation. Translation plays a fundamental role in shaping the very nature of signs, both verbal and nonverbal, and in the development of their meanings (Petrilli 2016). As Petrilli (2016: 23) notes, “in our world – human, cultural and natural – which is a world of signs, translation is omnipresent.” Therefore, to discuss semiotics is to inherently discuss translation. Translation and semiosis become intertwined, and signification becomes a form of “translative thinking” where “everything suggests or reminds us of something else” (Petrilli 1992: 233). Thus, it can be asserted that “meaning subsists in the mutual relation of translation among signs” (Petrilli 2014: 190).

Many semioticians, including Umberto Eco, Dinda Gorlee, Susan Petrilli, and Peeter Torop, have discussed the benefits of semiotics in translation research. Building upon their work, Kourdis (2015) provides an overview of the interdisciplinary research between translation and semiotics. He examines different terms used to describe this intersection, such as semiotranslation, semiotics of translation, and translation semiotics. Despite the diverse terminologies, there is no consensus within the field, reflecting the complexity and richness of the semiotic approach to translation. Kourdis also introduces key proponents of the semiotic approach to translation, typologies of translation with a semiotic foundation, schools of semiotics of translation, and research areas within the semiotics of translation.

This study adopts Marais’s semiotic translation theory because it offers a complexity theory of translation based on Peircean semiotics, integrating process philosophy, semiotics, and translation theory. Marais advocates for a comprehensive semiotics theory within the framework of complexity thinking, as opposed to reductionist approaches, to theorize translation encompassing all semiotic phenomena. He introduces complexity concepts such as constraints, initial conditions, boundary conditions, and emergence under the concept of trajectory to investigate the semiotic process. The strength of his theory lies in its emphasis on complexity, focusing on processes, emergence, and constraints, thereby providing new insights into the semiotic study of society and culture. This study leverages his emergence semiosis and complexity focus to examine the emergence of an online female counterculture.

Marais highlights the process-oriented nature of semiosis and contends that translation refers to the “semiotic process underlying interpretation” (Marais and Kull 2016: 181). He posits that “the creation of an interpretant, i.e., interpretation, a pragmatic result, relies on a semiotic process, i.e., translation” (Marais and Kull 2016: 182). Marais suggests that while interpretation and translation are both forms of semiosis, “interpretation is, roughly speaking, the aim of semiosis, and translation is, roughly speaking, the process through which this aim is achieved” (Marais and Kull 2016: 182). He defines translation as “the semiosic process that makes possible the interpretation of a sign into another sign, i.e. the creation of interpretants” (Marais and Kull 2016: 182). He further conceptualizes the emergent role of semiosis in the construction of social reality and adopts a theory of emergent semiotics as a framework for thinking about translation. In his view, both semiosis and semiotic translation is an emergent phenomenon (Marais 2014). Emergence studies relationships, process or change based on substance. The investigation of relationships can reveal the agency role of translation in the emergence of social reality.

The semiotic translation process necessitates an explanation from a complexity perspective, as it is a non-linear process that requires a nuanced understanding of the complexity of reality. The complexity of the communication process “requires a complex theory of translation, because it cannot be explained by a linear, monomodal, reductionist theory of translation” (Marais 2019: 79). Within Marais’s complexity approach to semiosis, “meaning is conceptualized as process that takes form under certain constraints” (Marais 2019: 123). These constraints shape and influence the process of creating relationships, giving rise to specific forms or trajectories. Constraints are seen as limitations that impose boundaries on possibilities, leading to the emergence of new forms. Drawing upon the complex theory, translation is characterized as “a negentropic semiotic process of performing work on meaning by effecting constraints on the possibilities of meaning” (Marais 2019: 136). The process toward equilibrium is known as entropy while negentropic semiotic work is the source of cultural diversity (Marais 2019). Cultural forms, therefore, are “created by translation as negentropic work on semiotic information” (Marais 2019: 136). The objective of a complexity approach to translation is to “find ways of explaining the emergence of semiotic organization, habit, trajectory, pattern that arises through translation processes” (Marais 2019: 134).

Adopting a complexity perspective, Marais (2014) further argues that emergence provides a framework for understanding the relationship between parts and wholes, allowing us to conceptualize reality without reducing it to its constituent elements. As “a philosophy of complexity has strong links with complex systems theory” (Marais 2014: 23), Marais (2014) views semiotics through the lens of complex adaptive systems, which helps illuminate the relationships between semiotic subsystems. As such, the semiotic system, functioning as a complex adaptive system, comprises multiple subsystems. Consequently, translation can be conceptualized as “an inter-systemic semiotic phenomenon” (Marais 2014: 104), or more specifically, as “a phenomenon of relationships between systems” (Marais 2014: 98). Semiotic translation becomes “a phenomenon in which semiotic inter-ing relationships among social systems or subsystems obtain” (Marais 2014: 107). According to Marais (2014), the inter-ness or inter-ing, characterized by the exchange of information between systems to sustain their vitality, forms the philosophical foundation of translation. Thus, translation encompasses the inter-ing of diverse systems, and the objective is to explore the interrelations between entities and how they organize into novel constellations with distinct properties. This study focuses on the inter-ing relationships between the language system and the media system which incorporates the TV show subsystem and the social media subsystem. Semiotic translation emerges from the interaction among these systems, where semiotic agents construct meaning through feminist interpretation, as depicted in Figure 1.

Figure 1: 
Inter-ing relationships from which jiexue emerges.
Figure 1:

Inter-ing relationships from which jiexue emerges.

To explain the emergence of jiexue from the inter-ing semiotic relationships between the language system, the social media system, and the TV show system, we need to explore the constraints imposed on the semiotic translation process. In addition to constraints, other theoretical tools from complexity thinking such as initial conditions, boundary conditions, and attractors are also useful in explaining factors in emergence. Initial conditions refer to “the state of affairs at the beginning of a process, while boundary conditions refer to the factors that limit a system” (Marais 2019: 136). Initial and boundary conditions form “the backdrop against which particular trajectories emerge” (Marais 2019: 136). Attractors, a parlance in complexity theory, mean “a general tendency for things to tend toward a particular pattern” (Marais 2019: 161). They refer to the tendencies or habits created when constraints are imposed on processes (Marais 2019). For the purpose of this study, I will further explain these notions with relevance to feminism.

Semiotic translation within the interpretative framework of feminism can be seen as “a continuation of the process of creating and disseminating meaning within a contingent network of feminist discourses” (Castro and Ergun 2018: 128). If the act of creating interpretants is considered translation, then the creation of feminist interpretants can be called feminist translation. In his work “Feminist Translation as Interpretation” (2007), David J. Eshelman argues that feminist translation provides a potential answer to how to interpret and may well help better to define the nature of interpretation. Feminist interpretation and translation can communicate new insights into women’s experiences and their relationship to language. Feminist translation works as transformational operation, “modifying relations between socially situated signs, opening the way for the affirmation of many possible worlds within differentiated relations to power” (Godard 2021: 161). It disrupts patriarchy in conjunction with other complex and intersecting forms of oppression, such as heterosexuality.

Unlike traditional translation discourse, which often perceives “difference” a negative topos, “difference” becomes positive in feminist translation (Godard 1989). Feminist translation signifies difference despite similarity. It is always “in the process of modifying, deferring and displacing the original” (Wallmach 2006: 2). Such a process drives the creation of feminist interpretants. The feminist interpreter actively participates in the construction of meaning. Their feminist agency disrupts the dominant patriarchal system of interpretation and highlights the woman’s point of view. They rewrite texts in the feminine or make the feminine visible (as quoted in Massardier-Kenney 1997). Drawing on Luise von Flotow’s definition of hijacking (1997: 82), I propose that hijacking in semiotic translation can refer to a process in which an interpreter employs “corrective measures” to the original sign, reworking the signifying chain to construct and amplify feminist meaning. Hijacking resignifies the learned habituated behaviors of subordinate femininity and develops a speaking position for women as subjects. In this study, the semiotic agents have applied a feminist interpretant during the semiotic translation process from jiejie to jiexue.

When considering semiotic translation within broader frameworks, the relationship between agents and systems or structures becomes an additional focal point in the study of semiotic translation (Marais 2014). In this study, the interpretation of the agent will be explored in relation to the broader feminist discourse. Susanne de Lotbinière-Harwood astutely points out that “as a feminist translator, my choices are informed by the emerging women’s culture … [and] the feminist translation strategies I’m developing contribute to this emerging women’s culture” (1988: 44). Similarly, the semiotic translation from jiejie to jiexue is informed by the emerging women’s culture in the digital space, and it also contributes to the development of this emerging women’s culture. With the rise of a digital participatory culture, female audiences become active participant in formulating and articulating their own voices, promoting new feminist meanings of jiejie.

The media system’s initial conditions are characterized by the prevalence of the “she era” show in Chinese television and the concurrent rise of digital feminism on Chinese social media. These conditions have prompted the production of the show “Sisters” and have created a platform for social media users to construct their idealized version of jiejie. However, the boundary conditions have limited the interpretation of jiejie by semiotic agents. The TV show system is constrained by commercial factors that still uphold the heterosexual patriarchal system as the dominant value, while the social media system is constrained by users’ continuous pursuit of carnivalesque fantasies in online spaces. Figure 2 illustrates the semiotic translation model for the emergence of jiexue.

Figure 2: 
Semiotic translation model for the emergence of jiexue.
Figure 2:

Semiotic translation model for the emergence of jiexue.

Using Figures 1 and 2 as the analytical framework, this study will gather research materials from the media system, focusing on notable events on Chinese media that contribute to the emergence of jiexue. These materials include the first episode of “Sisters,” a “she era” show called Ladies’ Dignity created by Weibo users, the love story between a charismatic jiejie and a younger girl on Douban, and two videos representing jiexue on Bilibili. One video showcases competent and professional career women,[2] while the other is a 35-minute microfilm adapted from the Douban story.[3] The following section will analyze how the online female counterculture jiexue emerges from these materials through non-linear semiotic translation processes.

3 Unravelling the semiotic translation process from jiejie to jiexue

Marais (2021: 320) posits “everything in reality is semiosis or translation,” emphasizing the need to understand translation as a dynamic process that constructs social and cultural realities, rather than merely focusing on translation as an isolated linguistic event. This perspective shifts the focus of translation studies from a narrow, linguistic framework to a broader examination of how translation contributes to the emergence of social and cultural phenomena. Marais further argues that “the emergence of social and cultural tendencies and phenomena, conceptualized as meaningful response to an environment, is on the agenda of translation studies” (2019: 158). He advocates for a broader conceptualization of translation that explores its role across all aspects of social and cultural reality, which is essential to understanding the emergence of phenomena such as the female counterculture jiexue.

Building on this semiotic approach, we can analyze the emergence of jiexue as a cultural phenomenon within the broader context of digital feminism. In this framework, semiotic translation is not simply about converting a sign from one system to another; it is about the continuous and evolving process of creating interpretants, new meanings or interpretations, that emerge through relationships among signs. According to Marais (2019), these relationships, composed of the representamen (the form the sign takes), the object (the concept it refers to), and the interpretant (the meaning derived from the sign), are not static but evolve over time and across different spaces. They are subject to socio-cultural conventions that vary with time and space (Marais 2019). This evolution is influenced by historical and spatial contexts, meaning that the socio-cultural conventions that govern the interpretation of signs are fluid, changing as they interact with different temporal and spatial conditions. For instance, the term jiejie, traditionally a respectful address for an older sister in the Chinese culture, has undergone significant translation in contemporary media and digital spaces. In the context of the “she era” television shows, jiejie is reinterpreted within a commercial framework that often aligns with patriarchal values, emphasizing traits such as youth and beauty. However, when jiejie is translated within the digital realm, particularly on social media platforms, it undergoes further transformation, reflecting the influence of digital feminism. Here, jiejie is re-signified to encompass new feminist meanings, celebrating female solidarity, autonomy, and often challenging traditional gender norms. The translation of jiejie into jiexue, a term representing a form of digital feminist counterculture, illustrates how media representation and online discourse interact to produce new cultural forms, highlighting the role of semiotic translation as a process shaped by the interplay of time and space.

In the following sections, this paper will explore these processes of semiotic translation, tracing the relationships that form and evolve between representamen, object, and interpretant as jiejie is reinterpreted across different temporal and spatial contexts. By doing so, it will analyze how the semiotic translation process contributes to the emergence of jiexue as a female counterculture within Chinese digital feminism.

3.1 Relationship-creating process between jiejie and jiexue in the context of “she era” television shows

The term jiexue gained public attention following the release of the television show “Sisters.” In 2020, #姐学# (jiexue) became a trending topic on Sina Weibo after a popular young male star posted a photo showing a self-made anthology titled Jiexue, which compiled the character and life experiences of the jiejie featured in the show. This section examines how the meaning of jiejie is transformed through its association with the show. According to Marais’s semiotic translation theory, meaning emerges from the process of creating relationships, a process known as translation. Translation imposes constraints on semiotic possibilities, guiding them into specific forms or trajectories that generate meaningful responses to an environment. Below I will analyze the constraints shaping the semiotic process through which the new meaning of jiejie emerges.

To understand how jiejie evolves into jiexue from the perspective of emergent semiosis, we must first consider the initial conditions that provide the context for this semiotic transformation. The feminist interpretation of jiejie originates from Chinese female audiences’ resistance to stereotypical portrayals of women in the media. Entertainment and media platforms significantly influence popular discourse and public opinion (Feldshuh 2018). On Chinese television, women are often depicted in romantic dramas as either cute, dependent, and sentimental or as mother-in-law figures embroiled in domestic conflicts (Zhang and Guo 2020). As feminist issues gain traction on Chinese social media, companies have increasingly produced shows categorized under the “she era” as noted by Tan (2020). These shows reflect the dissatisfaction of Chinese female audiences with the stereotypical portrayal of women as naive, fair-skinned, and solely focused on their husbands. “Sisters” exemplifies this “she era” trend, featuring strong female leads and predominantly female casts. These circumstances form the initial conditions that set the stage for the semiotic process through which the relationship between jiejie and jiexue is established.

However, the semiotic translation process is constrained by market logic, as the feminist claims made by the show are intertwined with commercial interests. Although the show presents the sisters as independent, confident, and skilled, their primary value is still tied to their attractive appearances, slim figures, fair skin, and youthful, gentle faces. The female characters’ bodies are objectified, becoming subjects of scrutiny and anxiety. The sisters themselves express a desire to remain forever young, investing significant effort in their appearances to please others. Instead of challenging ageism, this self-proclaimed feminist show perpetuates the stereotype that being “young and beautiful” is essential to escaping anxiety (Wang 2020). Despite its feminist rhetoric, many female participants in the show remain conditioned to conform to specific beauty standards and traditional societal views.

To illustrate this, I will analyze the first episode of “Sisters,” which encapsulates the show’s primary interpretation of the term jiejie. At the outset of the show, the sisters make the following statements:

(1)
三十岁之前我们的青春、我们的美好是天生的、父母给的; 三十岁之后是我一手创造的 [‘Before the age of thirty, our youth and beauty are innate, given to us by our parents. After thirty, it is what I create with my own hands’] (Episode 1, 0:45).
(2)
每一个年龄的女生都有她自己的魅力, 我为什么要否定自己呢? 我现在已经到了我的黄金时期 [‘Girls possess their unique charm at various stages of life. Why should I deny myself? I have now reached my prime’] (Episode 1, 1:03).
(3)
我觉得姐姐这个不是有什么年龄感, 就是自我或者独立那种状态 [‘I believe that the term jiejie does not signify advanced age; rather, it embodies a state of selfhood and independence’] (Episode 1, 1:52).

These statements reflect the show’s feminist assertion: 无惧年龄、敢做敢赢 (‘fearless of age’, ‘dare to do’, ‘dare to win’). However, as the show progresses, it continues to uphold expectations for women to be attractive, young, slim, and fair-skinned, regardless of their age. For instance:

(4)
提到女团你第一时间想到的是什么, 就是很年轻啊, 然后这种唱跳啊, 青春无敌 [‘When you think of a girl band, what comes to mind is their youthfulness, their singing and dancing, creating the impression that youth is invincible’] (Episode 1, 4:13).
(5)
漂亮、身材火辣、肌肤雪白雪白的那一种, 我要美女 [‘Beautiful, hot figure, and fair, snow-white skin – that’s the kind of band I want to have. I want beauties’] (Episode 1, 22:10).
(6)
大家都长得像我的妹妹, 所以我决定称大家为小姐姐 [‘You all look like my younger sisters (although you’re actually older than me), so I decide to call you little jiejie’] (Episode 1, 37:37).
(7)
我一定要这个女团,看上去每个人都特别棒。绝对漂亮、绝对有吸引力。女生看见了之后,就觉得我想成为女团; 男生看见了之后, 就觉得我想娶她们 [‘I must have this kind of a girl band: each member looks amazing; absolutely beautiful, absolutely captivating, one that makes women want to be like them, and men want to marry them’] (Episode 1, 92: 55).

These statements reveal that the jiejie figure admired by female audiences still reinforces women’s subjugation to patriarchal standards. As a result, the show has been criticized for promoting “hollow feminism” (Wu 2020) solely for commercial gain. This criticism echoes Luzhou Li’s argument regarding the popular Chinese dating show 非诚勿扰 (‘If You Are the One’), where the apparent empowerment of women is seen as “a commercial strategy by the media to win attention in a society congested with patriarchal discourses and practices” (Li 2015: 532). It seems that the ultimate message of the show is to convey to women that they must be young and beautiful in order to start anew.

This commodification of feminism is frequently observed in Chinese media culture. Some producers create content that appears feminist to attract audiences, but their use of feminist language is merely a “self-branding technique which allows them to build their popularity with female followers” (Peng 2020: 64). Altman Peng (2020) argued that certain women-focused Chinese digital influencers were actually employing “pseudo-feminism” to target female followers on the internet. Similarly, the feminist messaging conveyed by certain branding TV shows can also be seen as a form of pseudo-feminism that represents implicit patriarchal values.

Under the constraints of market logic, “pseudo-feminism” becomes the attractor behind the translation of jiejie into jiexue within the context of the “she era” shows. The interpretant created by TV show producers in response to the prevailing environment is that “capable elder sisters who appear young are charming.” In the initial semiotic system, the sign jiejie refers to the object “elder sister,” and the interpretant is “a girl/woman who is older.” The popularity of the TV show “Sisters” brought about significant changes to the semiotic triad: jiejie came to represent competent and confident older women who were often disregarded and overlooked in Chinese society. According to Marais, translation is conceptualized as “any negentropic work that causes change to any part of the semiotic triad” (2019: 129). The change in the object within the triad leads to what Marais defines as “object translation.” A change in the object consequently results in a change in the interpretant. The subsequent section will explore a more crucial relationship, in which the interpretant “older women are also charming” becomes a sign, and the semiotic constructing agents are social media users.

3.2 Relationship-creating process between jiejie and jiexue by social media users in digital spaces

Semiosis is characterized as “unstable and never-ending” (Marais 2019: 84). Translation, within this framework, is understood as “a continuous process of creating relationships, linking, and association between representamen, object, and interpretant” (Marais 2019: 138). The crucial questions in semiotic theory focus on “why and how certain processes take form and stabilize, why and how constraints work on processes to create form, pattern, ‘habit’” (Marais 2019: 84). This section explores how the constraints inherent in digital spaces contribute to the stabilization of semiosis and the establishment of relationships between jiejie and jiexue. My analysis of the emergence of jiexue by social media users draws from various online platforms. As previously discussed, the research materials include Weibo users’ creation of a “she era” show called Ladies’ Dignity, Douban users’ discussions about a love story involving a jiejie and a younger girl, and the creation of two videos on Bilibili based on these narratives. Before delving into the relationship-creating process, it is essential to explain the initial conditions for the semiotic translation process from jiejie to jiexue in digital spaces.

3.2.1 Digital feminism as the initial conditions for the creation of feminist interpretants

The emergence of the female counterculture jiexue can be situated within the broader context of the rising digital feminism movement in China. Digital feminism in China gained momentum alongside the proliferation of digital technologies at the turn of the century, wherein the internet and social media have become “necessary discursive and networking resources for grassroots feminists to generate and circulate alternative gender discourses” (Zhou and Qiu 2020: 353). This new wave of feminists, predominantly younger Chinese women, has leveraged these platforms to spread feminist ideas, as evidenced by China’s participation in the global #MeToo movement in 2018, where Chinese women utilized social media to expose sexual harassment.

Unlike the older generation of women’s movement, which emphasized collaboration with the state and the enactment of policies and laws, young Chinese feminists have embraced new forms of self-expression through feminist media practices, including online comments, blogs, and self-produced videos. Dongchao Min observes that:

The generation of feminist academics and activists who were involved in bringing new feminist notions and practices of gender equality into China in the 1980s and 1990s are about to retire from academia and NGOs. Younger feminists are going to take over the movement and wrestle with gender inequalities in their own manner. (Min 2017: 126)

This shift has led to the emergence of Chinese feminisms as “diverse and multidimensional sites of political and cultural dialogue locally and globally” (Min 2017: 15). Young Chinese women have thus developed particular strategies of self-empowerment through social media, creating a form of digital feminism characterized by its unique Chinese characteristics. The emergence of jiexue can be understood as a manifestation of this Chinese digital feminism.

In China, digital feminism has become a critical conceptual framework for analyzing feminist issues online. Feminist groups have mobilized like-minded young activists, aiming to enhance the visibility of their feminist agendas on topics such as sexual harassment, violence, misogyny, and sexism. Social media has been employed strategically to draw public attention to gender issues, highlighting the role of online platforms in disseminating feminist information and revealing the solidarity within China’s networked or virtual feminist communities. However, the abrupt suspension of several Chinese feminist social media channels, due to allegations of extreme and ideological content, has led to the emergence of new forms of digital feminism with distinctly Chinese characteristics. These new strategies and alliances have emphasized a form of self-empowerment that is not a straightforward struggle against patriarchy, but rather a “gentle, rational yet resolute stance that incorporates a new female identity into the ‘harmonious society’ enshrined in Confucian ideals” (Chang et al. 2016: 325). Unlike global online feminist activism, which promotes gender equality through online campaigns and hashtag movements, Chinese digital feminism is characterized by fan-based online production. As Jiang Chang and Hao Tian suggest:

Chinese digital feminism tends to create feminist awareness among its fans through literary and discursive constructions where femininity is politicized as an aesthetical privilege and heteropatriarchy is subverted in the celebration of cultural taboos, rather than vocalizing gender equality by means of blogging, online campaigns, and hashtag movements. (Chang and Tian 2021: 617)

This fan-driven approach to digital feminism fosters a collective feminist identity and creates an online cultural space that nurtures feminist awareness among young women. Rather than initiating traditional social movements, digital feminism in China adopts a negotiable, constructive, and non-confrontational approach. The development of digital feminism provides the initial conditions for the emergence of jiexue which takes form through semiotic translation.

3.2.2 Female homosexuality and sociality as feminist interpretants in the semiotic translation process

In China, fans with feminist sensibilities have played a crucial role in forming feminist digital counterpublics that challenge and reshape dominant public narratives about women. These fans have been instrumental in fostering the yaoi or boys’ love subculture (Chang and Tian 2021) and facilitating the growth of the girls’ love subculture in Chinese digital spaces (Jiang 2020). Some fans have also become translators, circumventing censorship to reach and mobilize a broader audience through the subtitling of queer- and feminist-related foreign media content, leading to the formation of “translational fandom” (Guo and Evans 2020), a concept that captures fan practices like fansubbing and other forms of fan translation. Such fan translation serves as a significant form of activism for feminists and queer communities (Guo 2021; Jiang 2023). While these translations import feminist concepts and content from foreign cultures, this study transcends linguistic translation by applying a semiotic approach to explore the emergence of a female counterculture with Chinese characteristics. Similar to linguistic translation, semiotic translation also has a feminist interpretant. However, unlike linguistic translation, which focuses on language, this semiotic approach seeks to uncover how the relationship between jiejie and jiexue is established in digital spaces.

According to Marais (2019: 141), “everything in reality, as it enters the web of semiosis through the relationship-creation process of translation, could have a translational aspect to study.” The relationship between jiejie and jiexue in online spaces is created through two key interpretants: female homosexuality and sociality. Both concepts are pivotal in challenging normative gender norms that constrain women’s freedom of expression. These interpretants arise within the constraints of queerized online spaces and Chinese women’s dissatisfaction with the social stigma attached to being a “leftover woman.” The following sections will explore the non-linear semiotic translation process from jiejie to jiexue, drawing on observations of jiexue’s emergence across three prominent social media platforms in China.

3.2.2.1 Female homosexuality as the interpretant in the semiotic translation

The term jiexue was initially coined by Douban users before the rise of “Sisters” to celebrate a captivating love story between a charismatic female star and a younger girl that circulated online in 2012. Inspired by this story, numerous female readers indulged in their imaginations, crafting girls’ love stories featuring two beautiful female stars, with one being older than the other. The jiejie character in these narratives emerged as a highly fictionalized figure embodying all conceivable positive qualities. Descriptions of jiejie include her elegant and graceful demeanor, her caramel-colored curls, and her captivating almond-shaped eyes that maintain an intense gaze during conversations. Douban users associated this fictional sister with a real-life actress whose appearance and presence closely resembled the character, creating the concept of jiexue to explore the authenticity of the story and appreciate the actress’s charisma.

Following the success of “Sisters,” a group called “Douban Jiexue – Feminism Studies” was established in July 2020. In their founding manifesto, the founder highlighted that jiexue, in a broader sense, encompasses the study of the charisma of empowered women or groups of women who inspire others and contribute to female aesthetics. The group even compiled a post titled “Anthology of Jiexue on Douban,” collecting various posts about jiejie in the love story. It is evident that fans of this fictional love story actively participated in constructing the meaning of jiexue.

In online spaces where queerness is embraced and accepted by fans, the semiotic translation from jiejie to jiexue takes on the form of a translation of sexuality. While open discussions about sexuality are not commonly found in China, there have been numerous dialogues surrounding the representation and communication of queerness within digital realms. These discussions range from fans expressing their celebration of queerness on social media platforms (Zhao et al. 2017) to the online dissemination of queer documentaries that remain unacknowledged within official cultural circles (Shaw and Zhang 2018). Digital spaces provide a carnivalesque arena where fans can openly celebrate their homosexual identities (Jiang 2020). Online spaces “operate as heterotopias that significantly disrupt normative societal discourses” (Llewellyn 2021: 1). They serve as vital platforms for constructing a queer digital world in China, wherein fans’ cultural and media practices are influenced by and modeled upon homosexual narratives. The exuberant celebration of queerness online acts as a defining constraint in the semiotic translation process of jiexue. This imposition of a constraint gives rise to tendencies or attractors that shape the feminist activities of fans in China, resulting in the creation of diverse narratives exploring homosexuality. Unlike the queer subtitling groups who translate queer-related knowledge from foreign cultures, the semiotic process has created queer meaning to the very traditional Chinese term jiejie.

3.2.2.2 Female sociality as the interpretant in the semiotic translation

Another significant event on Chinese social media associated with the emergence of jiexue was the widespread popularity of a fictional show titled 淑女的品格 (‘Ladies’ Dignity’). The show was first introduced by the Weibo user @SUM-bu’er and quickly became one of the top trending topics on Sina Weibo in 2018. The proposed show centers around four professional women in their 40s – each beautiful, wealthy, confident, and independent – who embrace their single, childless lifestyles by choosing to live together. This original post quickly went viral, garnering over 30,000 reposts and sparking a cascade of creative, interactive discussions about the potential plotlines. Another Weibo user, @RAIN Xuan, designed promotional posters for the drama featuring four well-known Chinese actresses over 40, which further fueled fantasies of power, control, and self-confidence among young female audiences. @RAIN Xuan’s post, too, attracted significant attention, with over 50,000 reposts. The user stated that the purpose of Ladies’ Dignity was to subvert the simplistic and stereotypical portrayals of women in Chinese TV dramas – narratives often dominated by themes of infidelity, domestic conflict, and strained familial relationships. Instead, this imagined show aimed to create more complex and empowering representations of women.

The creation and widespread engagement with Ladies’ Dignity on Weibo can be understood as a manifestation of what Winch (2013) refers to as “girlfriend media,” a term that encompasses “instances across media platforms where (predominantly heterosexual) female sociality is used as representation and/or a marketing strategy, as well as an affective social relation” (Winch 2013: 4). As a user-generated embodiment of female sociality, Ladies’ Dignity captured the imaginations of many Weibo users, who actively participated in discussions, creating trailers, fan fiction, and other content inspired by the ideas of @SUM-bu’er and @RAIN Xuan. The immense popularity of this fictional show underscores the significant market potential for narratives centered on mature female celebrities and demonstrates the deep resonance that the jiejie character holds for young female audiences in China. The appeal of experienced women who wield confidence and expertise to achieve their goals reflects a broader cultural shift, wherein young Chinese women increasingly seek out representations that align with their aspirations for independence and self-determination.

The interpretant of female sociality that emerges from this social media phenomenon is a direct response by female netizens to the pervasive stigma surrounding so-called “leftover women” in China. This term typically refers to women who possess the “three highs” – high education, high professional achievement, and high income – yet face discrimination in the marriage market due to perceptions of diminished sexual appeal and an alleged inability to fulfill traditional feminine and domestic roles. In response to these societal pressures, many Chinese women, particularly those who are financially independent, have begun to celebrate their singlehood as a form of resistance against the conventional expectations imposed on them. Female friendships, as portrayed in Ladies’ Dignity, offer an alternative to the male-centered institution of marriage, with jiejie characters serving as symbols of the power and value of female bonding. This imaginative resistance to the stigma of “leftover women” functions as a critical constraint in the semiotic translation process of jiexue. This translation process is not a straightforward movement between fixed meanings; rather, it is an ongoing and dynamic creation of relationships between meanings. As a result, jiexue transcends its initial association with female homosexuality and expands to encompass a broader narrative of sisterhood, independence from men, and female empowerment.

Douban and Sina Weibo users play a crucial role in this semiotic process, acting as agents of a feminist counterpublic in cyberspace. They have actively modeled “an alternative to mainstream ideologies of the public” (Travers 2003: 234). Through their collective efforts, jiexue has emerged as a countercultural phenomenon that challenges dominant narratives and offers a fresh alternative to conventional ideologies. In this digital context, jiexue represents a form of feminist resistance that challenges the dominant cultural narratives of womanhood in China, fostering new possibilities for female identity and solidarity. Since “what we translate is the patterns of constraints” (Marais 2020: 150), the translation process from jiejie to jiexue is demonstrated through social media users’ representation of successful career women celebrating singlehood together and the depiction of homosexual love between a jiejie and a younger girl. Semiotic translation, utilizing a feminist interpretative framework, serves as an effective means to resist dominant gender discourses.

3.2.2.3 Multimodal representation of female homosexuality and sociality

As jiejie undergoes a semiotic transformation, acquiring new meanings through the interpretants of female homosexuality and sociality, the online female counterculture known as jiexue emerges as a powerful expression of feminist identity. Fans of jiexue have embraced this new cultural phenomenon, extending its reach through the creation of multimodal content that celebrates and reinforces these feminist values. On video-sharing platforms like Bilibili, users have engaged in a process of bricolage: the remixing, reconstructing, and reusing of various artifacts, actions, ideas, signs, symbols, and styles to generate new insights or meanings (Deuze 2006). Through the production of videos that visually depict female homosexuality and sociality, fans challenge prevailing gender discourses in Chinese society, reclaiming and remixing media content to construct new feminist interpretations.

This multimodal representation is evident in two popular jiexue videos on Bilibili. The first video, which had amassed 110,000 views by August 1, 2024, depicts professional jiejie characters in the workplace, highlighting ambitious career women who prioritize their professional goals and refuse to be constrained by patriarchal conventions. This self-created video compile footage from various TV shows, showcasing single, competent, and career-focused jiejie who embody qualities such as independence, grace, beauty, wealth, and freedom in love. The absence of men in these videos symbolizes a transgressive challenge to the heterosexual institution that traditionally emphasizes women’s economic dependence on men and their objectification by male desire. This representation of female sociality as an ideal lifestyle reflects the aspirations of young Chinese women to redefine womanhood and femininity on their own terms.

The second video deconstructs heteropatriarchal gender norms by idealizing the intimate relationship between a young girl and an older jiejie. Fans edit and splice together footage of two female stars from different TV shows to create videos that depict homosexual love, further reinforcing the connection between jiejie and jiexue through a subversive form of appropriation. These fan-made videos, including a 35-min microfilm with 453,000 views by August 1, 2024, serve as a radical reimagining of gender relationships, where homosexual love is normalized and celebrated. This creative process mirrors the formation and dissemination of yaoi (boys’ love) culture in China, where fans play a crucial role in the semiotic transformation of cultural narratives. The jiexue phenomenon, therefore, represents an enhanced feminist expression, contributing to the development of an online female counterculture that challenges and subverts dominant gender discourses.

These fan-produced videos depict a utopian world led by women, where men are entirely absent. This disruption of the hegemonic order provides emotional and supportive spaces for women to identify with and find inspiration in the confident jiejie characters. The female bond between career women and the homosexual relationship between an older sister and a younger girl should not be seen merely as an escape for young and unmarried women but rather as a form of cultural resistance against prevailing gender norms in China. The creative and subversive interpretation of jiexue by internet users can be understood as a feminist form of semiotic translation that challenges patriarchal values and misogynistic voices in the digital realm. Through this semiotic translation, the autonomous and spontaneous voices that empower women on the internet converge into a distinct form of Chinese digital feminism. According to Wang and Driscoll (2019: 11), this emerging feminism is “defined by how it is done; by its modes of articulation more than its goals.” This study, therefore, seeks to explore a new mode of articulation for digital feminism through an expanded conceptualization of translation.

4 Reflections on the semiotic translation process of jiexue

The deliberate creation of feminist interpretants by female audiences reflects a profound desire to reshape media content in ways that foreground and celebrate feminist voices and narratives. Unlike many of the so-called “she era” shows, which often perpetuate traditional gender discourses, the emergence of jiexue on social media has ushered in new modes of expression that actively subvert and challenge patriarchal structures. These alternative narratives offer more meaningful representations of female experiences, marking a significant shift in the landscape of Chinese digital feminism. In comparison to the narratives propagated by “she era” shows, the social media-driven conceptualization of jiexue embodies more subversive and transgressive implications, giving rise to new narratives within Chinese digital feminism.

However, the digital spaces and fandom dynamics within which jiexue operates or the boundary conditions of the semiotic translation also impose significant constraints on its meaning-making process. An analysis of fan-created videos reveals that the unified articulation and representation of jiexue often curtails its potential feminist impact. The sign of jiexue, as configured by these fans, is often limited to a narrow range of interpretative possibilities, primarily revolving around personal pleasure and aesthetic fantasies. While the semiotic translation process can indeed be interpreted as a form of resistance against a patriarchal and heteronormative society, there is a tendency among fans to indulge in self-centered fantasies, resulting in highly imaginative yet limited portrayals that focus exclusively on professional, competent, and aesthetically idealized jiejie. This focus raises legitimate questions about the extent to which these online feminist practices can translate into tangible interventions in real-life struggles.

Fans’ inclination towards self-fantasies leads to an attractor that is usually sought by fans – yiyin (‘mental masturbation’), which now extends beyond sexual desire and includes “any kind of self-centered fantasy that can be constructed in the mind but less easily enacted in everyday life” (Inwood 2014: 436). The fan-driven translation of jiexue operates within a “fan economy” that prioritizes entertainment over ideological depth. Despite the feminist underpinnings of this feminized and glamorized media space, there is a risk that young female audiences in China may become excessively absorbed in these fantasies, potentially detracting from the movement’s broader feminist goals. While the semiotic translation process of jiexue as an online cultural form is constrained by the characteristics of fandom, it nonetheless opens new avenues for conceptualizing online feminist expression, showcasing unique features of digital feminism in China.

This study applies Marais’s semiotic theory of translation to explore the emergence of jiexue as a new cultural phenomenon. According to Marais (2019), meaning is generated through a process of translation, understood as a relationship-creating activity constrained by specific forms or trajectories. The semiotic trajectories that emerge from the translation process of jiejie to jiexue involve a complex interplay between the TV show industry and online spaces, with influence exerted by both TV show producers and female fans. In this context, translation is not merely a linguistic exercise but serves as the driving force behind the creation of meaning, contributing to the development of an online female counterculture.

By adopting Marais’s conceptualization of translation as “a process of imposing constraints on semiotic material, playing itself out in both space and time” (2020: 117), this study demonstrates how the constraints inherent in “she era” shows and online spaces shape the translation process from jiejie to jiexue. A relational and processual approach to translation challenges the reductionist and binary thinking often associated with a linguicentric view of translation. This perspective highlights the intricate nature of meaning-making processes and expands the role of translation in addressing broader issues across various disciplines within the humanities, ultimately offering new insights into the complexities of digital feminism in contemporary China.

5 Conclusions

Translation scholars have been expanding the conceptualization of translation to address the linguistic bias in translation studies (Blumczynski 2016; Gentzler 2016), leading to fruitful discussions. This paper aims to contribute to this endeavor by analyzing the semiotic translation process from jiejie to jiexue within the interpretative framework of feminism. Through this analysis, the study highlights the potential of translation studies to extend its reach into other disciplines. Blumczynski (2016) believes that the concept of translation holds untapped epistemological potential that can inform various fields in the humanities. Marais’s semiotic conceptualization of translation represents a significant effort in exploring this potential, allowing us to view human society as a semiosic process and expanding the role of translation in understanding, interpreting, constructing, and changing social reality.

This study endeavors to apply an expanded understanding of translation to comprehend the emergence of a new female counterculture within Chinese media. In the feminist discourse characterized by “she era” shows, Internet users create a collective space, appropriate the concept of jiejie, and offer their own feminist interpretation. The invention of jiexue signifies the formation of a collective feminist identity among young Chinese women through digital means. Semiotic translation, guided by a feminist agenda, unlocks the potential of digital media to mobilize feminist networked publics in generating new narratives about female experiences. By applying the expanded concept of translation within the context of popular media culture, this paper argues that the emergence of jiexue goes beyond mere entertainment and leisure discussions. The semiotic translation process from jiejie to jiexue has yielded a feminist interpretation that represents a unique form of digital feminism in China.

According to Kourdis (2022), the notion of translation has broadened impressively, and translation studies have succeeded in escaping the stifling embrace of linguistics by drawing on insights from disciplines such as semiotics, cultural studies and communication studies. With this expanding tendency, translation studies have become transdisciplinary, mobile, and open-ended. Marais suggests that “translation studies has limited itself to what translation DOES involve and has not focused attention on what it CAN or is LIKELY to involve” (2021: 318). This study aims to showcase what translation CAN involve by following his semiotic definition of translation. Marais’s semiotic conceptualization focuses on “how new social and cultural phenomena emerge from semiotic work” (2019: 179). It expands the potential of translation studies by providing a new approach to exploring social reality. A semiotic redefinition of translation can move beyond self-containment and facilitate better communication with other disciplines across the humanities, for example, digital feminism. Marais’s semiotically oriented approach to translation can “add epistemological and intellectual significance to translation studies in particular and humanities in general” (Song 2021: 172).


Corresponding author: Mengying Jiang, Tongji University, Shanghai, China, E-mail:

Award Identifier / Grant number: 23CYY045

  1. Research funding: This work was supported by National Social Science Fund of China (grant number: 23CYY045).

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Received: 2023-10-29
Accepted: 2025-06-10
Published Online: 2025-08-13

© 2025 the author(s), published by De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

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