Exploring the “Liminal” and “Sacred” Associated with Death in Hinduism through the Hindu Brahminic Death Rituals

2.1 The topographical aspect

The Hindu cosmological belief suggests two parallel dimensions of existence: physical and spiritual.^[33] While observing the post-mortem rituals being performed for Sitaram, what stayed with me throughout was how the liminal phase made the topography of the spiritual or the “afterworld” evident in the physical world through the death rituals, and the capacity of these rituals to assimilate the diverse elements of the cosmos into the ritual performance.

For the vaitarni ritual, to match the repulsive description of the river in the Garuda Purana, a shallow pit was dug in the ground, filled with water and colored red with vermillion, signifying blood. A MahaBrahmin chanting some mantras slightly pushed a cow to make it jump across the pit. It is believed that the pret sails through the river by safely hanging onto the tail of the cow. The most remarkable aspect of this ritual is how a share of the Hindu spiritual world is created artificially in this physical world. This mimicking through rituals brings to the fore an evident topography of the “afterworld,” based on which certain rituals to connect with the spirit of the deceased are performed, for example, through the ritual of shaiyya dan on the eleventh day.

Shaiyya dan, or offerings to a MahaBrahmin, comprise things for the next 360 days, or a year. It consists of a shaiyya or cot, bedding, slippers, an umbrella, a lamp or a torch, utensils, a bucket, clothes, grains, and rice for the next year. According to the Garuda Purana, there are seven narakas (hells), and the pret has to traverse through all to reach its ultimate destination.^[34] Thus, based on the specific characteristics of each hell, alms are offered to the MahaBrahmin. For example, one of the hells has seven suns that make the spirit unable to walk in bare feet, which is why slippers and an umbrella are offered to the MahaBrahmin so that it can reach the spirit in the other world. The MahaBrahmin is assumed to be the mediator between “this” physical world and “that” spiritual world. So the resources provided to the spirit through this ritual match the topography of the spiritual world. Thus, these death rituals during the Hindu liminal phase performed in a “real physical” cosmos are assumed to provide benefits to the spirit in an “imagined spiritual” cosmos where it is believed to reside.

During sutak, the creation of the topography of the spiritual world is not a random transplantation of a small piece of the afterworld but is performed to achieve an important ritual milestone of helping the two parallel dimensions converge first (Figure 1) before separating and becoming parallel again through the sapindikaran ritual performed on the twelfth day. The convergence of these parallel dimensions has also been explained in the context of the Hindu pilgrimage or the “sacredscape” where humans and the divine meet as it “converges to frame the greater unity of cosmic reality.”^[35] In her analysis, Kaushik explained the convergence of the social domain (where the chief mourner resides) and the cosmic domain (that the pitr inhabits) through a symbolic domain created by the performance of rituals with the help of specialists (e.g., Purohits, MahaBrahmins).^[36]

Figure 1

The physical and spiritual dimensions during the liminal period.

The physical dimension is where the bereaved exists. While the sacrificial ritual of cremation perishes the gross physical body of the deceased, the subtle-soul body or the lingasarira exits the gross body through kapaal kriya indicating the commencement of the impure phase^[37] or liminal phase for both the bereaved and the deceased.^[38] This convergence of physical dimension toward the spiritual dimension not only marks the separation of the mourners from the normal social order but also signifies the initiation of the pret’s journey from being a lingasarira to becoming a yatana sarira on the tenth or eleventh day and finally a pitr with a divyadeha or divine body on the twelfth day. Thus, the aim of this convergence is to aid the pret’s upward movement from the physical to the spiritual dimension.

While it is assumed that the pret exists in the house and wanders around the chief mourner for the next ten days after death (the physical dimension), the topographical aspect informs us of its concurrent existence on the spiritual dimension as well, where it struggles to cross the river vaitarni and treads through the seven hells (as discussed earlier), indicating its existence on both dimensions. According to Hindu discourses, the Hindu body is a psychophysical organism with both gross and subtle dimensions that are transmigratory and manifest on multiple planes,^[39] as evidenced by death rituals that signify the presence of the deceased’s subtle-soul body on both dimensions. There is no ritual evidence that the pret splits up to exist on the physical and spiritual dimensions simultaneously, which implies that the pret resides at the intersection of the convergence of two dimensions, thus occupying a liminal position in between the two dimensions (Figure 2).

Figure 2

Pret as a liminal entity at the intersection of the two dimensions.

2.2 The imaginary pret aspect

The liminal period, when the pret is at the intersection of the convergence of the physical and spiritual dimensions, “is characterized by the use of the term bhaya (fear, anger).”^[40] The bereaved mourn the dead but are also constantly told that the deceased’s pret is present around the household. It is the absence of tangible physical form and the presence of the deceased in the form of a spirit that brackets the deceased into an entity beyond mourners’ comprehension. Describing the liminal nature of the pret, Michaels wrote:

They wander somewhere about the house of the survivors; they are neither here nor there, neither on Earth nor in heaven or hell. They envy the survivors their life and wish to befall them with illnesses. This is why the departed also become beings that one wishes to get rid of and of which one must rid oneself.^[41]

Liminality in Hinduism may be understood as a ring of fire producing intense smoke, thus disabling those who are outside of it from seeing the state of the one inside. The mourners are the ones standing at the edge or threshold of the ring, uncertain of the state of the deceased inside. The bereaved ritually try to appease the deceased because the deceased’s character changes as soon as they enter the ring of fire, characterised by ambivalence. They are feared as well as cared for. The deceased is feared because familiarity with his or her normal and usual existence ends with death. The imaginary presence of the pret for the next few days, as perpetuated by the Hindu scriptures, does not respond to the human senses. The pret is understood to be in a borderline state, ambivalent, weak, and impure.^[42]

Malinowski explained ambivalence as the “double-edged play of hope and fear which sets in always in the face of death.”^[43] The ambivalence of emotions is, thus, inevitable in the liminal phase. It is disorienting and presents the mourners with two contrasting emotions of fear and care.

A similar imaginary aspect can be seen in the Northern Cheyenne culture. Straus explained that the Cheyennes believe the omotome or breath and the mahatsooma or spiritual aspect make up the body.^[44] On the occasion of death, both leave the body and make the transition of the spirit to the spiritual world easier. The way these imaginary aspects are perceived and treated by the living may differ in different cultures.

The liminal phase is the most vulnerable period for both the bereaved and the deceased. The soul is considered to be the weakest during this time because, after death, it neither belongs to this world nor has it yet entered the “other” world. The liminal period for the pret ends with the sapindikaran ceremony on the twelfth day. In Figure 3, I present the upward movement of the pret via the sapindikaran ritual, from the intersection, where (a) signifies liminality, to the spiritual dimension where it now gets assimilated with other pitrs.

Figure 3

Upward movement of pret to become a pitr where (a) signifies liminality.

2.3 The laterality aspect

Behind a ritual is a world of meanings expressed through symbols. Decoding these symbols unfolds a pattern of ritual practices that can be used to understand the already established system of religious or cultural meanings. While the second liminal aspect explained the specific nature of pret at the liminal intersection, this aspect explains the role of the chief mourner in helping the pret transition into a pitr through the proper enactment of rituals, which entails expressions of purity and impurity, especially through laterality.

As the physical and spiritual dimensions converge, there is a reversal of what is done on normal days. It entails a shift from what is usually done to doing what is prohibited otherwise. This has been documented by Das^[45] in her study on rituals, where she describes it as the reversal of normal patterns. According to Das, life and death are treated as opposites, and therefore, what is followed during life is reversed during death.^[46] The direction of movement (from left to right or vice versa) and laterality (right/left opposition) play a significant role in expressing this reversal. In death, for example, the direction of janeu is reversed, and it is worn the asabya, or impure way, from right to left as opposed to the sabya, or pure way, from left to right.

In his book Death and the Right Hand, Hertz described the death rituals followed by the Dayaks of Borneo (Indonesia).^[47] He distinguished between the right and left hands, reiterating that the right hand signifies strength and purity whereas the left hand is weaker and associated with impurity.

During the liminal period, Babu performed all the rituals with his left hand, the usage of which is specific to establishing ritual communication with the spiritual dimension inhabiting the pitrs where the (chief) mourner intends the pret to ultimately reside. There are three conditions under which the parallel dimensions converge to intersect. First, on the occasion of death (as discussed above). Second, during the pitr-paksh when the pitrs are believed to come back to the physical dimension every year during the Ashvin month (Sep–Oct) and are then catered to by the next of kin through the pinda dan performed with the left hand. The third condition occurs when the next of kin invites pitrs to an auspicious occasion and sends them away afterward, such as through the mantripuja at a Hindu Brahminic wedding, which also involves the left hand. I present the three conditions through a schematic diagram below (Figure 4). In the figure, (a) represents the liminal phase in death and (b) signifies the sustained reincorporation of the pitrs in the spiritual world through the pinda dan performed with the left hand during the pitr-paksha and other auspicious ceremonies. The latter context remains a part of the reincorporation phase because of the involvement of a non-liminal entity pitr that now adorns the divine body. The process of convergence of the physical and spiritual dimensions until they become parallel again is a linear process as depicted in Figure 5.

Figure 4

Different conditions when the dimensions converge to intersect. In the figure, (a) signifies liminality and (b) signifies sustained reincorporation

Figure 5

Linear process until the two dimensions become parallel again. In the figure, (a) signifies liminality and (b) signifies sustained reincorporation.

The liminal phase is a part of the sacred and its understanding is inevitable when exploring the construct of the sacred in any religion. In the preceding section, I discussed the specific aspects of the liminal phase associated with death in Hinduism and how it is construed based on the intersection of the physical and spiritual dimensions. In doing so, I was building a case to further explore the sacred specific to Hinduism. Das conceptualized the sacred in Hinduism differently through her work on the Grihya Sutras or domestic rituals.^[48] In discarding the right/left opposition complementing the pure/impure distinction, she pointed out that it is not the case in Hinduism.^[49] She explained that within the sacred realm in Hinduism are situated life (sacredness associated with life) and death (sacredness associated with death) and both entail pure, as well as impure ceremonies, thus bringing to the fore “sacredness associated with life” (e.g., marriage, birth) and “sacredness associated with death” (e.g., cremation and ancestral worship).^[50] I exemplify the relationship between the liminal and the sacred in death through the diagram below (Figure 6) which presents how the impure ceremonies in death or the bad sacred and the pure ceremonies or the good sacred, both form a part of the sacred in Hinduism.

Figure 6

Pure and impure as a part of the sacred associated with death in Hinduism.

Further elaborating on purity/impurity in Hinduism, I start by establishing the need to rework the sacred in a religious realm and outline the classical understanding of the sacred propagated by scholars like Durkheim, Frazer, and Smith to argue for a different conceptualization of the same by proposing the “context based sacred.”

3.1 The context-based sacred

According to Durkheim, religious forces can be either pure and benevolent or impure and diabolical.^[59] For impure rites, he used the term “piacular rites” or rites that call for expiation. He used this term to describe rites and rituals associated with sad ceremonies like death. In his writing, he initially suggested that on the continuum of religious life, pure and impure are opposites, but as he progressed he argued for a different conceptualization of the religious life. According to him, though pure and impure are opposites, they belong to the same family of the sacred. As a part of the sacred, they share the same relationship with the profane. So, for Durkheim, there is a good sacred (pure), a bad sacred (impure), and the profane.

Durkheim also stated that the deceased is sacred and that anything or anyone who comes into contact with the deceased is considered to be in a religious state and must be kept separate from the profane life.^[60] When I first read this, it created a web of questions primarily because Durkheim used the generic word “sacred” for the dead body of the deceased instead of specifying it as “bad sacred.” I was also perplexed by what the term “profane” meant for Durkheim. One form of understanding of profanity could be derived from Hubert and Mauss’ conception of the same. They described the sacred as the religious or divine domain and the profane as the communal domain, i.e., the world of humans.^[61] But it does not quite make sense when these definitions are applied in the context of death, because death rituals for the deceased are performed by humans who, if profane, must not come into contact with the “sacred dead body.” Durkheim’s “profane” is, thus, open to interpretation as he did not provide an explanation as to what the profane entails, but did situate it as one of the independent categories on the continuum. It is interesting to note the tautological similarities between Durkheim’s “bad sacred” and Hertz’ “profane.”^[62]

Durkheim drew on Smith’s work on the idea of the “ambiguity of the sacred.”^[63] The “ambiguity,” for Durkheim, was how evil sometimes could become saintly with changes in the external circumstances but without changing in nature, implying that pure could become impure and vice versa.^[64] It was the ephemeral nature of the purity and impurity that made the sacred ambiguous, and therefore, Durkheim proposed that the good and the bad sacred are overlapping and interchangeable categories. Smith^[65] and Frazer^[66] explained that boundaries between what is sacred and unclean have always been hazy and marked by confusion. Dumont, on the other hand, based on his study of the caste system, believed that the sacred and the profane are two opposite poles with no ambiguity at all.^[67]

The ambiguous nature of the sacred, as suggested by Smith,^[68] could be argued to be an outsider’s perspective. Outsiders lack the ability to comprehend the “sacred” context (pure or impure) in a way insiders do through their “unconscious infrastructure.”^[69] Being an “insider-researcher” with a “critical insider stance,”^[70] I propose that an object remains a part of the Hindu cosmic milieu but the context in which it is seen keeps changing, which creates two different worlds: one of the good sacred or purity and another of the bad sacred or impurity. How an entity or object is perceived changes based on the context (which is discussed later), although it is also true that certain objects irrespective of the pure or impure context are invariably considered to purify or cleanse. One example of these pure things is the cows that are given as a gift to purify,^[71] as well as the products that come from them such as ghee, urine, and dung.^[72] Similarly, water from the Ganges in Hinduism has been considered purificatory.^[73] But unlike these, some entities are perceived to transition from pure to impure and vice versa based on the context. I explain this through the case of MahaBrahmins.

MahaBrahmins remain a significant part of the impure liminal phase in the Hindu Brahminic tradition and are also considered to be the “impure” priests.^[74] Through scholarship on different kinds of impurity in Hinduism, I will show how MahaBrahmins oscillate between the pure and impure contexts while still remaining a part of the sacred in death.

Dumont explained that members of the good or pure caste contract temporary impurity through “organic” life,^[75] which could be understood in terms of “external transitive pollution” as explained by Orenstein based on the Dharmshastras,^[76] for example, the impurity incurred by eating food at a house under sutak. But Dumont clarified that while it is possible to get rid of temporary impurity through, for example, a ritual bath, those who specialize in impure tasks become permanently impure. In Dumont’s account, interestingly enough, MahaBrahmins did not figure among those perceived as permanently impure. In contrast, while explaining gifting as an expiatory process, Orenstein explained that cows are given to pure beings to cleanse themselves of impurity,^[77] which renders MahaBrahmins pure enough to help their jajmans initiate the expiatory process on the eleventh day when cows are offered to them in the name of the deceased.

However, in his book Death in Banaras, Parry wrote that MahaBrahmins are considered inauspicious and “treated much like untouchables….no fastidious person of clean caste dines with them.”^[78] He further shared that during his ethnographic study, when he asked MahaBrahmins why two types of impurity incurred by them and the inferior castes are different, “the conversation collapsed in incomprehension and frustration.”^[79]

During Sitaram’s ekadasha rituals, a MahaBrahmin curiously asked me about my study and started telling me about how the eleventh-day rituals are performed. While explaining the rituals, he told me, “Sometimes people put hair and nail shavings in our food” and spoke so that no one else could listen. He further shared, “I don’t know why they do this, but it makes us upset. At one time it happened with me, and I did not finish the meal. Now you tell me, if I do not eat the meal on ekadasha how will the pret attain salvation? People should not do this, but they are simpletons.”

MahaBrahmins are also known as mahapatras; the big empty vessels that seldom get satisfied.^[80] MahaBrahmins eat in the name of the deceased, symbolic of digesting the deceased’s sins.^[81] They remain an ambivalent category and an example of when the sacred is defined based on the context. According to Durkheim’s conception of the good and the bad sacred, MahaBrahmins on the usual days form a part of the bad sacred because of their constant engagement with impure death work. But on the eleventh day, while participating in the impure liminal phase, they are considered to be the only pure medium in this physical world to establish a connection with the deceased at the intersection of the physical and spiritual worlds. In Durkheimian terminology, the MahaBrahmins are perceived to be a part of the bad sacred, while in performing rituals for their patrons on the eleventh day, they become a pure medium within the bad sacred. After the ceremony is over, they are once again perceived to be impure. The MahaBrahmins’ sacredness thus depends on the context. For a household under mritakasutak or death impurity, only MahaBrahmins are believed to be pure enough to cater to the pret.

On the ekadasha, they are respected as well as feared and the jajmans or patrons are advised that MahaBrahmins should never leave unsatisfied. On the eleventh day, I could sense an unrest in Sitaram’s family. They were worried about how much they would have to give to the MahaBrahmin to satisfy him. One of the family members mentioned, “it is because of the mrityudaan (offerings of death) which they [the MahaBrahmins] consume that they are never able to live in peace and there is always something or other that keeps bothering them.” It left me perplexed, the way a “pure” Brahmin (according to the Dharmashastras) stood at the intersection of the religious domain (where he is pure) and the social domain (where he is perceived to be impure).