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Transnational audiovisual remakes: Suits in Arabic as a case study

  • Ibrahim Moh’d Darwish EMAIL logo and Sara Al-Yasin
Published/Copyright: December 9, 2023
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Abstract

This study compares and contrasts the English and adapted (remade) Arabic versions of the American series Suits 2011 in terms of cultural, religious, and ideological aspects. The researchers compiled a parallel comparable corpus extracted from both versions. Data analysis shows that there are several similarities and differences between the source and the target versions of Suits in terms of the cast, setting, opening and credits, daily life habits, morality, and social customs. The findings show that the Arabic version highly attends to the Muslim Arab cultural norms. Nevertheless, the Arabic version frequently contains unfamiliar and unacceptable behaviour to the Muslim Arab culture, such as smoking weed and trading drugs. In other words, there are some unexplained paradoxical changes made by the makers of the Arabic version, such as adding scenes to a few episodes similar to those that were deleted in previous episodes for cultural considerations. Due to the lack of consensus on what is and what is not suitable for the target Muslim Arab audience, this study recommends that media decision-makers in the Arab World compile a list of codes that can regulate the adaptations (remakes) of famous foreign shows into the Muslim Arab culture.

1 Introduction

In the field of audiovisual translation, the practice known as ‘transnational remakes’ involves taking a successful movie or TV series and recreating it in a different language for a new audience, with the hope of replicating the success of the original work. When producers opt for a remake, they are choosing this method of adaptation over other alternatives, such as subtitling, dubbing, or a combination of both. However, much like the process of adapting a famous novel into a film, remakes of films and series often face criticism from both critics and viewers. Common concerns include the potential loss of the cultural significance that was present in the original work. Some critics and bilingual viewers may also express reservations about the casting choices in the remake, as they frequently compare the new actors to those in the original version. Nevertheless, there are instances where the remade version manages to exceed the quality of the source material. In recent years, the influence of social media platforms has amplified discussions and comments among fans regarding these remade versions of films and series. Given the growth in the number of transnational remade movies and series, there is a compelling need for rigorous academic exploration and analysis in this area.

The practice of adapting a screen-based work into a different cultural and linguistic context is not denoted by a single, uniform term. Instead, it is referred to using a variety of terms. Perhaps this dilemma is best referred to as a ‘lack of consensus’ in translation studies (Bowker 2023, Munday et al. 2022). Notably, the term ‘adaptation’ has been interpreted differently by various scholars. In fact, the term ‘adaptation’ is multi-referring in translation studies as it encompasses various dimensions, such as ‘type of translation’ (Assaqaf 2016), ‘translative intervention’ (Bastin 2019), ‘transcreation’ (Bernal-Merino 2015, Neves 2005, Gambier 2003), ‘re-writing’ (Bernal-Merino 2015), ‘domestication and imitating’ (Bastin 2019), and ‘rendering a literary text into a movie, song or statue’ (Milton and Cobelo 2023). Within audiovisual translation, adaptation can refer to the process of remaking famous TV and cinema franchises cross-linguistically and cross-culturally. Nevertheless, the same process is referred to using various terms, such as ‘re-making’ (Diaz-Cintas 2003, Hansen et al. 2021), ‘transmedia narrative’ (Bernal-Merino 2015), ‘inspiration, borrowing, copying or replication’ (Tohamy and Azab 2021), ‘translation for TV and cinema’ (Gambier 2003), and ‘transnational audiovisual remake’ (Smith and Verevis 2017).

2 Literature review

Assaqaf (2016) discusses four main types of adaptation: collocational, literary, cultural, and ideological. While collocational and literary adaptations relate to the linguistic and artistic quality of the target work, cultural and ideological adaptations relate to those deliberate modifications made by the translators in order to ensure that the target audience would not reject the adapted work due to cultural differences, cultural taboos, or ideological mismatches. Exploring transnational remakes involves a similar type of analysis as it involves linguistic, literary, cultural, and ideological aspects. To illustrate, when a previously successful screen-based work is chosen to be remade into a different cultural and linguistic context, the stakeholders responsible for this transformative process must exercise careful consideration to avoid violating the linguistic, cultural, and ideological sensitivities of the intended audience. Simultaneously, their endeavour should also be dedicated to ensuring that the ultimate product maintains both artistic integrity and linguistic fidelity.

Perhaps singing competition TV shows are impeccable examples of modern transnational TV remaking. The Voice, Pop Idol, The X Factor, and various other singing competition shows have been remade in different regions in various languages. Such remakes often keep the general format but bring in different contestants from new locales. Surprisingly, the transnational judges and/or mentors try to replicate the forms and functions of those in the original. Some remakes are as good as the original ones in terms of production, cast, and singing talent. Others are inferior due to various financial, cultural, and religious constraints. Few such remakes are authentic local versions that cater to the new locale, but the majority are mere carbon copies of the originals. However, the blind imitation of the originals sometimes backfires and causes audience rage. To illustrate, in the original version of The Voice, as in numerous other Western remakes of this famous franchise, the judges occasionally use their shoes to press on the chair choice buttons. In the Arabic Middle-Eastern version of The Voice: Ahla Sawt, Sherine Abdel-Wahab, a famous beloved female judge, tried to replicate the Western socially acceptable behaviour of using the shoes to press on the chair choice button, which shocked the Arab Middle-Eastern audience. By doing so, she ignored the cultural differences between the West and East. It is not polite in the Middle East to raise one’s shoe on the face of others, let alone using it to vote for a contestant or turn the choice chair; therefore, “the move received immediately dissatisfied facial expressions from fellow judge Kadim Al-Sahir on camera and the backlash of many outraged viewers across the Arab World on social media after the video showing the incident quickly went viral” (Medhat 2015, 4). She subsequently apologized for her irrational choice.

The Idol franchise received the greatest popularity in the Arab World. It was remade into a high-production Arabic version called Arab Idol. Subsequently, other local low-budget versions started to appear in numerous Arab countries. Jordan Idol is a case in point that combined low production with mediocre singing talent. A significant number of Jordanians criticized the show and claimed that it opposed the values and customs of Jordanian society. A similar TV franchise is Got Talent, which is a wider competition TV show that includes singing and other talents, such as dancing, stand-up comedy, and ventriloquism. Other non-singing TV franchises gained popularity in the West and were subsequently remade in numerous non-English-speaking countries, such as Big Brother, Top Chef, and The Farm.

Okyayuz (2016, 26) argues that a “local product can be adapted or remade. The boundaries of the difference between these two options are quite ambiguous. To say whether a product is an adaptation or a remake may vary depending on what perspective the case is viewed from or what definitions are used.” Remake took place in cinema production in the late nineteenth century. According to Kubincanek (2020), the silent French comedy film L’Arroseur Arrosé, known as The Waterer Watered, was remade into L’Arroseur, which means Watering the Flowers in 1896. Remakes emerged in Arabic cinema history by reproducing It Happened One Night 1934 as ‘ajmal ayyaam hayaati’ (Best Days of My Life 1974). This ‘remake’ failed due to the major changes in the original storyline (Tohamy and Azab 2021).

Most of the literature on English-to-Arabic audiovisual translation focuses on subtitling and/or dubbing (Furgani 2016, Thawabteh 2011, Alkadi 2010). That is, scholars rarely investigate the challenges involved when a famous TV series or movie is adapted and remade into Arabic. Evans (2014) argues that translation scholars have neglected ‘remakes’ and turned to focus on other shapes of audiovisual translation, such as dubbing and subtitling. Therefore, the current study aims to address this gap in the literature by shedding light on the process of adapting English-language TV series into Arabic. By conducting a thorough examination of this process, the study hopes to provide insights into the challenges and opportunities that arise when translating and adapting TV series across different cultures and languages. The ultimate goal of this study is to contribute to the existing audiovisual literature available by providing a more in-depth understanding of the process of adapting TV series from English into Arabic. It is hoped that this study will inspire and encourage other researchers to pursue similar studies in the future, leading to a richer and more diverse body of research in this field.

3 The aim of the study

This study aims at comparing and contrasting the original version of the American series Suits and the adapted Arabic version in terms of cultural, religious, and ideological references. Specifically, it aims at investigating the changes in the cast (proper names), setting, opening and credits, daily life habits, morality, and social customs. Accordingly, this study aims at answering the following research questions: (1) ‘What are the differences between the English version of Suits and its adapted Arabic version in terms of cultural, religious and ideological references?’, (2) ‘Are the adaptational modifications in the Arabic version consistent?’, and ‘Which dynamics have the greatest impact on film adaptation?’.

4 Methodology

The first seven episodes from Suits 2011 and their equivalents (the first nine episodes) from Suits in Arabic 2022 comprise the sample of this study. In the original series, the sample duration is about 8 h, while in the equivalent adapted Arabic version, the sample duration is about 6.25 h. A parallel comparable corpus that contrasts the original series with the adapted Arabic one was compiled by meticulously watching the episodes in question. The most salient modifications were highlighted for analysis. Those modifications often involve linguistic, cultural, religious, and social issues. The parallel comparable corpus made it easier to compare and contrast the two versions of the series. The parallel comparable corpus is often used for various objectives, such as translation studies and contrastive studies (McEnery and Xiao 2007).

The descriptive qualitative approach was implemented to analyse the data. The way each salient scene was rendered from the original American version into the Arabic one was studied meticulously, searching for significant modifications. The analysis is based on a comparison between the source version and the adapted version in terms of the cast, setting, opening and credits, daily life habits, morality, and social customs. Social customs incorporate treating the elderly, social home etiquette, keeping bad company, art (media localization), using taboos, and code-mixing.

5 Results and discussion

In this section, the results are reported and discussed in relation to the most salient adaptational practices done by the writers and producers of the Arabic version of Suits. The results show that cultural adaptations surpass other types of adaptations. Below is a discussion of some of the major adapted issues in the legal drama under investigation, such as setting, characters, opening, and credits. The discussion is supported with sufficient examples from both versions.

5.1 Setting

Unlike subtitled and dubbed versions, the setting of an adapted series is often changed to fit the new locale (Sayaheen and Darwish 2023, Abu Ain and Darwish 2023). In Suits 2011, the events take place in New York (although most of the shooting took place in Toronto). In Suits in Arabic 2022, by contrast, both the shooting and events take place in Cairo because TVision, the adapting company, is an Egyptian producing company located in Cairo. Moreover, since the 1950s, Egypt has been the centre of audiovisual content in the Arab Middle East. Furthermore, until the last two decades, the majority of Arab movies and series were Egyptian, which led to the Egyptian dialect being the lingua franca of the Arab media. Thus, adapting Suits into Egyptian Arabic and selecting Cairo as the new setting of the series is not surprising because Egyptian Arabic is comprehended in all Arab countries.

One of the distinguishing features of Suits is how the actors and actresses dress in formal suits and how they work within top law firms that own luxurious high-rising buildings with both exquisite exterior and interior decorations. This is preserved in the adapted version although law firms differ in Egypt from those in the United States or Canada. Pearson Hardman is run by a woman, and ElMessiri Zidan is also run by a woman. This is not as common as in the West. Incidentally, according to Layalina magazine (2022), the producing company is rumoured to have not paid for the suits of the cast worth 2.7 million Egyptian pounds tailored by Orangesquare fashion company.

5.2 Title

Pun-based titles or titles with multiple meanings are very hard to render from one language into another as they are often inherently language and culture specific. The title of Suits has multiple meanings. The first meaning is related to the fact that the majority of the cast wear suits in the series. There is no doubt that actors and actresses in Suits look attractive in expensive formal attire. In fact, right from the pilot episode and upon the first meeting between Harvey (the main character and a successful high-profile lawyer) and Mike (Harvey’s assistant who does not have a law degree), Harvey emphasizes the importance of wearing formal suits in their profession, not any suits but the elegant and expensive ones. The second meaning is related to lawsuits, the focal issue in this legal drama series. In slang, lawyers, businessmen, or those who have desk jobs in the city and wear formal suits are called ‘suit’ (Urban Dictionary Online). When the original version of the series was first available on Netflix, its title was not translated into Arabic within Netflix’s Arabic interface. Up to the present time, Netflix’s Arabic interface shows the original title in Latin characters (English) but the summary of the plot in Arabic. Within the subtitles, however, the title is translated into da’awa ‘lawsuits’ only referring to one meaning of the pun-based title.

As pun-based titles are sometimes untranslatable into other languages without the loss of one or more dimensions of the multiple meanings, the title of the Arabic version is a combination of preservation, Arabicization, and explanation, i.e. Suits: Suuts bil arabi ‘Suits: Suits in Arabic’. The adapted title understandably does not fully provide the multiple meanings of the word ‘suits’ but, at least, it is trying (Darwish and Sayaheen 2019). Arab fans of the series use alternative unofficial titles to refer to both versions of Suits, such as qadhaaya ‘lawsuits’, musalsal qadhaaya ‘lawsuits series’, elmesiri zidaan ‘ElMessiri Zidan series’, musalsal badlaat bilarabi ‘outfits series in Arabic’. Those fan-based unofficial titles used by fans on the internet to refer to the series may signpost dissatisfaction with the official title. However, this needs to be supported by qualitative evidence taken from the Arab fans themselves, but this is beyond the scope of this study and highly recommended in future related studies.

5.3 Cast

Gabriel Macht plays the role of the charismatic Harvey Specter, while Asser Yassin plays the role of the charismatic Zain Thabet in the Arabic version. Both actors look and act smart, and they share the same age cohort. Moreover, both actors are handsome, charming, and attractive in their respective cultures. Patrick J. Adams plays the role of Mike Ross. The actor is 30 years old, a young man who seems to be at the age of a fresh graduate in his mid-twenties at the time of filming the series. It is appropriate for his age and appearance to attend exams instead of other students. In the Arabic version, Ahmed Dawood plays the role of Adam Marwan. The actor is 39 years old, a mature young man who looks to be in his mid-thirties. The choice of this actor is disputed as it is inappropriate for his age and appearance to behave immaturely and attend exams instead of other students. Gina Torres plays the role of Jessica Pearson, a black woman who co-owns and runs the law firm. The presence of her power in every scene is unblemished. The well-known Jordanian actress, Saba Mubarak, plays the role of Farida ElMessiri who does not show her personal and legal power as Jessica does. Because Arab women are not as powerful in the workplace as their Western counterparts, it is possible that the focus is shifted to Farida’s beauty as the source of her power in the Arabic version of the series. Rick Hoffman plays the role of Louis Litt, a narcissistic character who uses dirty tactics just to win any situation. Mohammad Shahin plays the role of Qadri Al-Zayyat. He replicates Louis’s character, especially while enjoying his position as the trainees’ supervisor.

Proper names are modified in the Arabic version to blend in with the local target Arab locale. The chosen names are familiar to the Arabic ear but not of high frequency. This choice succeeded in presenting the characters as high-class, rich, and charismatic. Rich people in Egypt and most of the Arab countries choose low-frequency names for their sons and daughters in order to stand out (Suleiman 2003). Overall, the choice of the actors and the actresses proved to be of great importance in the adaptation process. The choices in Suits in Arabic 2022 are successful, except in one case where the age of the actor is not appropriate for the role played in the series.

5.4 Opening and credits

In the original version of Suits, each episode starts with what is known as a ‘cold open’ or ‘teaser’, which is basically an introduction to the episode. It gives the audience introducing scenes and clues without specifically mentioning the storyline of the episode to make the audience immersed into the series. Then, it is followed by an opening credit that shows the members of the series including the cast, producers, production company, music, editor, and so on. After that, the episode starts. In contrast, in the adapted Arabic version, the episodes start directly with the opening credits but without ‘cold opens’ or ‘teasers’. It is apparent that this is related to the production norms of Arab Television.

5.5 Daily habits

In the first episode of the original version of Suits, Harvey plays Poker while drinking alcohol, but in the adapted version, Zain plays chess and refuses to drink alcohol. Playing Poker in the American version is replaced with playing Chess, which is a socially and religiously accepted game in Egyptian and Arab culture. In the third episode of the original version, Ross and his grandmother play Checkers, which is replaced by playing cards in the Arabic version. This change does not reflect social and religious adaptation as board games, like Checkers, are accepted in Arab culture. However, Checkers itself is not widely known in the Middle East. People in the Middle East often play Backgammon with friends and family at home and in coffee shops. Perhaps, changing the not-known Checkers with a well-known board game, such as Backgammon, would have been more fitting.

In the original version, Harvey Specter receives an SMS message from Jessica that reads: “I need you.” In the Arabic version, Zain receives a WhatsApp message from Qadri Al-Zayyat stating: “Ashraf Tawlan is here, and Farida wants you. It seems that you made a big mistake.” The differences between these two messages are in terms of length and the sender. In the original version, the message is short, brief, and assertive; it is sent directly from Jessica. In the adapted Arab version, Zain receives a message from Qadri, a co-worker, not from Farida, the manager, and the message is full of details to inform Zain that it is a serious situation. Apparently, this change in the length of the message has to do with how people in Eastern cultures communicate messages in more detail than those in Western cultures who prefer brevity and directness. Moreover, communication across genders in the Arab Muslim world is not always direct even at the workplace.

In the Arab version, Adam eats chips while sitting with his friend Marwan who is smoking; it is not clear if Marwan is smoking a cigarette or a marijuana joint. However, towards the end of the scene, some marijuana joints and loose marijuana appear on a plate. In the original version, Mike gets high smoking a bong while sitting with his drunk friend. Although, in theory, smoking weed is neither socially nor religiously accepted in Egypt, it is not surprising to see Egyptians smoking Hashish on the Egyptian screen.

In the second episode, Mike comes to the office while being high after smoking a bong, but in the Egyptian version, this scene is deleted. Moreover, in the third episode of the original version, Louis says to Mike that he has ordered some expensive wines, whereas in the Egyptian version, Qadri tells Adam that he has ordered a lot of food and many extras. Altering scenes with alcohol in the original version to alcohol-free scenes in the Egyptian Arabic version seems exaggerated as alcoholic drinks appear in almost all Egyptian movies. Indeed, the process of localizing and adapting a foreign TV series into Arabic can have immense influence on the re-writers, directors, and producers to the extent that they might exaggerate the taboos in the local culture.

In another scene, there are five whisky cups in front of Harvey, while in the Egyptian version, Zain is asked to drink and replies, “I don’t drink.” This reply reflects the Egyptian Arab Muslim culture where not all people drink. When Harvey is promoted, he celebrates with Jessica by drinking liquor. In the adapted version, efforts are made to hide the fact that alcohol is involved in the scene. For example, Rachel drinks alcohol, while her Egyptian counterpart, Shereen, eats pizza. A scene that shows the financial company client pouring an alcoholic drink into a glass is deleted in the adapted version. Furthermore, in the fifth episode, Mike and Trevor meet at a bar, while in the Egyptian version, Adam and Marwan meet at a restaurant. Nevertheless, in a scene in the sixth episode, the adapters do not try to hide the appearance of alcohol in a bar, unlike in previous scenes. In other words, alcohol is inconsistently avoided in the adapted Arabic version.

5.6 Morality and social customs

In the original version, Mike visits his grandmother, who has recently moved to live in a nursing home. In the adapted version, Adam gets back from work and is greeted by his grandmother whom he shares the house with. These two different scenes illustrate the differences between the Western and Eastern cultures and pay respect to the Arab Muslim audience who do not accept the idea of placing parents and grandparents in nursing homes. Moreover, in the original version, Harvey goes up to the witness’s apartment in order to talk with her, whereas in the adapted version, Zain waits for the witness downstairs at the entrance of the building where she lives so that he could talk to her about the case. In other words, both scenes reflect social home etiquette.

In the original version, Trevor tries to convince Mike to work with him as a drug dealer instead of cheating in exams. Trevor tries to emphasize how financially lucrative it is to work in the illegal drug industry, stating that: “I mean, look at me. This is a $2,000 suit, Mike.” In addition, Trevor asserts that he owns 12 suits, the price of each is $2,000, which means that he can afford to spend a large amount of money on luxury. In the Arabic version, Marwan says: “ya ma’allim, shaghliti illi mish a’gbaak di, hiyya illi ma’iyyishaani hina, min ghayrha kunti hab’a markuun fi ayyi kharaaba” (Bro, this illegal job that you do not like pays for my living here; otherwise, I would have been homeless). Some viewers may think that such scenes are not suitable for the Arabic version due to cultural differences, but drug dealing and drug consumption are common in the Egyptian streets; hence, both scenes reflect harsh realities. The adapted version emphasizes the grim reality of the Arab youth who has no work due to limited employment opportunities and limited financial support. Working as a dealer gives young people a prestigious life; otherwise, they will be unemployed and homeless.

One of the paradoxical issues occurs in the fifth episode of the adapted version when the kissing scene of the original version is replaced by touching hands between Adam and Shereen. At the same time, a similar ‘inappropriate’ scene is surprisingly added to the adapted version that involves drinking alcohol and flirting. One might wonder, if the former scene is deleted for cultural reasons, why the latter scene is added. These contradictions reflect the inconsistency by the adapted version makers.

5.7 Art

Adapting art with its wide range of media, such as music, literature, painting, and dance, from one culture into another requires a deep understanding of both cultures. Audiovisual adapters need to attend to the finest detail in order to make the content relevant and attractive to the target audience. This attentive localization process enables the audience to engage more fully with the series’ storyline, characters, and emotional beats, ultimately creating a more inclusive and resonant visual experience. The adapters’ efforts in localizing art in Suits for the target audience exhibited a variable level of success, alternating between instances of achievement and instances of failure. In essence, it can be described as a hit-and-miss endeavour, where some attempts proved effective while others fell short of the desired outcome.

For instance, one cannot explain why the song Perfect Day, which appears in the original version, is substituted with another American song, Came to Dance, in the Arabic version. Both songs are foreign and unfamiliar to the target Arab audience. Perhaps it would have been better to use either the same song or a familiar Arabic song. In another scene, Mike and Harvey’s driver argues about the members of Eddie Hope and The Mannish Boys, an American music band. In the Arabic version, Adam and Zain’s driver argues about the members of Les Petite Chats, an Egyptian music band. Furthermore, in the original version, Jessica gives Luis two tickets to attend King Lear, while in the Arabic version, Farida gives Qadri two tickets to attend Omar Khairat’s concert. Omar Khairat is a popular Egyptian musician. These changes can be explained in terms of cultural adaptation, i.e. to make it easier for the audience to understand what is being discussed without much effort. Peculiarly, a scene has been added to the adapted version with references to an American famous singer and actress. Angry with Zain, Qadri says mockingly “kunti ma’ jay lo mathalan” (Have you been with J Lo, for example?). The term ‘J Lo’ is an abbreviation for the name of the American singer and actress Jennifer Lopez. While the name of the singer might be familiar to some Arab viewers, the abbreviation might not be. It might have been more appropriate to refer to an equally popular Arab singer and actress, such as Haifa Wehbe, for example.

5.8 Linguistic taboos and code-mixing

Taboos are cultural, social, and religious verbal and non-verbal practices that are thought to be unsuitable, inappropriate, and prohibited depending on scenarios or contexts. Filmmakers are often aware of such taboos while remaking certain titles from one language and culture into another. It is crucial to be mindful and aware of anything that can be considered disrespectful, controversial, and inappropriate in the context of the target audience (Allan and Burridge 2006). Darwish and Abu Ain (2020), however, argue that in some series, linguistic and cultural taboos are purposefully exaggerated in order to attract more viewers by stirring controversy. They give evidence from Jinn, the first Netflix Jordanian series. Nonverbal taboos are discussed above when addressing ‘habits, morality and social customs’; therefore, this section focuses only on verbal taboos.

In the third episode, a client insults Harvey by calling him an S.O.B., whereas in the fifth episode of the Arabic version in the same scenario, the insult is replaced by a normal statement. The client simply says to Zain, “You are a provocateur.” This scene shows how the same scenarios are remade in a way that suits the target audience. It has to be said here that Arabs do often use taboo words in their daily lives, either as curses or as teasers for their intimate friends. However, most of the Arab audience would not accept such foul language in a TV series, especially if it is adapted from a foreign one. Darwish and Abu Ain (2020, 89) discuss this issue in detail with reference to the Jinn series. They explain that “in Jinn, those words are used by teenage students but because they are shown on screen and heard by viewers from different age cohorts, they are still shocking to most viewers. Some young viewers tried to defend this use of language arguing that they reflect a realistic use of language in their everyday casual conversations. Others agreed but still thought they were inappropriate for the Jordanian screen.”

The actors in the Egyptian version mix between Arabic and English. To illustrate, Adam addresses Qadri “ana mu’min giddan giddan bifikrit at-tiim weirk, hadritak.” In this example, Adam mixes between Arabic and English as he inserts the English compound noun ‘teamwork’ in the middle of the utterance. In real life, Arabs do such things to show that they are well educated and of high prestige. This verbal practice works well with Suits whose characters are mostly rich and handsome; therefore, making them mix English with Arabic seems to be a good technique to show their high social status. However, in some scenes, monolingual Arab audience may have been excluded. Moreover, in a few scenes, the pronunciation is not clear and causes some misunderstanding.

The results show that there are several similarities and differences between the source and the target versions of Suits. In comparing the original version and the Arabic version of Suits, it becomes evident that there exist multifaceted disparities between the two renditions. These distinctions primarily manifest in aspects related to culture and language, with occasional instances of inconsistencies. However, what remains clearly intact is the core essence of the series, the very quality that catapulted it to international acclaim. In the Arabic rendition, all the actors, writers, and creators involved in the production demonstrated a rigorous effort to replicate the success achieved by the original English series. The meticulous attention to preserving the essence of Suits while navigating the complexities of linguistic and cultural adaptation is praiseworthy. Despite the inherent challenges in transposing the narrative and its intricacies into a different cultural context, the overall outcome can be deemed commendable.

6 Conclusion

The adaptation of a highly renowned and successful English series for an Eastern Muslim Arab audience is a complex and multifaceted endeavour, representing a typical encounter between East and West. It is a task with numerous challenges, transcending mere translation and cultural transplantation. This process demands meticulous consideration of linguistic, cultural, religious, and ideological nuances, all of which are intrinsic to the very fabric of the narrative. However, it is essential to acknowledge that achieving unanimous approval within the target audience is an impractical goal. The diverse preferences and expectations of the audience further complicate the adaptation process. Some viewers may advocate for a complete overhaul of the series, aligning it more closely with the tastes and cultural sensibilities of the intended audience. Others may favour subtler alterations that respect the original essence while adapting it to the distinct cultural backdrop. Moreover, it is crucial to recognize that members of the target audience who have already watched the English series, either due to bilingualism or the availability of Arabic subtitles, will inevitably engage in a constant comparative analysis. In a nutshell, the adaptation of a renowned English series for an Eastern Muslim Arab audience is a complex process that navigates a terrain of linguistic, cultural, religious, and ideological considerations. It is a testament to the convergence of diverse cultural influences and a reflection of the challenges and opportunities presented when East meets West in the realm of screen-based entertainment.

  1. Funding information: Authors state no funding involved.

  2. Author contributions: This work has been written, submitted, and approved for publication by both authors.

  3. Conflict of interest: Authors state no conflict of interest.

  4. Data availability statement: Available from the corresponding author upon request.

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Received: 2023-07-27
Revised: 2023-10-20
Accepted: 2023-11-06
Published Online: 2023-12-09

© 2023 the author(s), published by De Gruyter

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

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