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Sentence-final aspect particles as finite markers in Mandarin Chinese

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Published/Copyright: June 6, 2019

Abstract

In Mandarin Chinese, sentence-final aspect particles ne, le, and laizhe may occur in some types of embedded clauses, but not in other types, such as the complement of a control verb, a raising verb, lai ‘come’ and qu ‘go’, a non-epistemic modal, and the prepositional complementizer dui ‘to’. These latter types of clauses systematically show properties of nonfinite clauses in other languages. They are intrinsically embedded, ban pro-drop, their clause boundaries may be invisible for binding, and they disallow a speaker-oriented adverb and an epistemic modal. The restrictions on the distribution of the particles indicate that they are used in finite clauses only, although the language has no tense or case marker. The paper argues that finite clauses show speaker-oriented properties whereas nonfinite ones do not; instead, nonfinite clauses exhibit higher-clause-oriented properties. Identifying the role of speaker in the finiteness distinction reveals the capacity of finite clauses, whether or not the capacity is marked overtly.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the Editorial Board of Linguistics, as well as Waltraud Paul, Sam Hsuan-Hsiang Wang, Liching Chiu, and the participants of my seminar at National Chung Cheng University (2017 spring), for helpful advice and discussion. I also thank Ann Kelly for her help with the submission and publication process. This research has been supported by the grant 105-2410-H-194-087-MY3 from the Ministry of Science and Technology, Taiwan ROC.

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Published Online: 2019-06-06
Published in Print: 2019-09-25

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