Abstract
This article investigates the distributional and information structural (IS) properties of il y a ‘there is’ clefts in comparison with c’est ‘it is’ clefts in French. Il y a clefts, which are prototypically said to be “presentational” or express all-focus, are relatively under-researched with respect to c’est clefts. We present the results of an extensive corpus study of il y a clefts in three different registers, revealing that these clefts most often express an all-focus articulation, but also quite often express a focus-background articulation, which has not been acknowledged often in the linguistic literature. Moreover, the corpora contain contrastive il y a clefts (displaying properties of both all-focus and topic-comment sentences), which to our knowledge have not been noticed before. It follows from these data that although c’est and il y a clefts can both express all-focus and focus-background, they clearly differ with respect to the topic-comment articulation and have specialized for different functions. Finally, several syntactic and pragmatic factors are presented that may account for the (distributive) differences between the two cleft types, e.g., the impossibility of non-(pro)nominal clefted elements in il y a clefts, genre differences, and the implication of exhaustivity.
Acknowledgements
This research was funded by FWO grant G061113N (Research Foundation Flanders).
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© 2018 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston
Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Two (non-) islands in Slovenian: A study in Experimental Syntax
- Natural locations and the distinction between ‘what’ and ‘where’ concepts: Evidence from differential locative marking in Makalero
- The information structure of French il y a clefts and c’est clefts: A corpus-based analysis
- The diachrony of East Asian prosodic templates
- The expectation mismatch effect in accentedness perception of Asian and Caucasian non-native speakers of English
- Meaning change in Chinese: A numeral phrase construction from adjectives to superlatives to definite descriptions
- The grammaticalization of -kotok- into a negative marker in Manda (Bantu N.11)
- Resolving abstract anaphors in Spanish discourse: Underspecification and mereological structures
Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Two (non-) islands in Slovenian: A study in Experimental Syntax
- Natural locations and the distinction between ‘what’ and ‘where’ concepts: Evidence from differential locative marking in Makalero
- The information structure of French il y a clefts and c’est clefts: A corpus-based analysis
- The diachrony of East Asian prosodic templates
- The expectation mismatch effect in accentedness perception of Asian and Caucasian non-native speakers of English
- Meaning change in Chinese: A numeral phrase construction from adjectives to superlatives to definite descriptions
- The grammaticalization of -kotok- into a negative marker in Manda (Bantu N.11)
- Resolving abstract anaphors in Spanish discourse: Underspecification and mereological structures