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Fighting the COVID-19 pandemic with words: an investigation of pragmatic presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans

  • Junhua Mo

    Junhua Mo is associate professor of English in the School of Foreign Languages, Soochow University, Suzhou, China. He obtained his PhD in applied linguistics from Nanjing University, China. His major interests include second language acquisition, pragmatics, and discourse analysis.

    and Renquan Heng

    Renquan Heng is associate professor of English in the School of Foreign Languages, Soochow University, Suzhou, China. He obtained his PhD in applied linguistics from Nanjing University, China. His major interests include corpus linguistics, discourse analysis, and foreign language teaching.

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Published/Copyright: November 9, 2022

Abstract

Slogans play an important role in Chinese society. Numerous slogans have been created and used in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. As an eye-catching linguistic phenomenon, anti-pandemic slogans have sparked heated debates not only among the general public, but also in the academic sector. This study is focused on the pragmatic presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans. By adopting a mixed approach (quantitative and qualitative), it finds that six types of pragmatic presuppositions are used in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans. Among them, the behavioral presuppositions rank first in frequency of use, factive presuppositions second, stative presuppositions third, belief presuppositions fourth, cultural presuppositions fifth and emotional presuppositions sixth. The pragmatic presuppositions of these slogans can serve four major functions, which are persuading people to act properly, spreading scientific knowledge, warning people against wrongdoings and bolstering people’s confidence. However, there are sporadic occurrences of misusing pragmatic presuppositions in the so-called “hardcore” slogans. This study concludes that knowledge of pragmatic presuppositions is essential to a correct understanding and a proper creation of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.

1 Introduction

Presupposition, which was first suggested by Frege (1892) as a philosophical notion, is a topic of heated discussion not only in philosophy, but also in linguistics. According to Fawcett (2000), a presupposition is the precondition, which is not spoken, but is assumed and expected by speakers and listeners when a sentence is uttered. In the field of linguistics, studies on presupposition before the 1970s were limited to semantics. However, the mere logical consideration of presupposition is inadequate in that there are many sentences which do not have a truth value but still make sense in terms of presupposition. In other words, presupposition is, in many cases, more than the relationship between propositions. It is in fact the relationship between the proposition and the utterer. Thus, it has become popular to study presupposition from the pragmatic perspective since the early 1970s.

Stalnaker (1974) proposed the notion of pragmatic presupposition, stating that it was one of the major contextual factors in the exploration of meaning. According to He (1997), pragmatic presupposition refers to a premise that is not only sensitive to the given context, but also related to the beliefs, attitudes and intentions of the speaker and sometimes the listener. There are various types of pragmatic presuppositions. Ji (2011), for example, suggests that pragmatic presuppositions consist of six types, namely factive presupposition, cultural presupposition, stative presupposition, behavioral presupposition, belief presupposition and species presupposition.

This study focuses on the pragmatic presuppositions in Chinese anti-epidemic slogans as slogans of this type have been widely used in the Chinese fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, which broke out in Wuhan, China, in late January 2020. In the fight against the pandemic, slogans have become a major force in healthcare communication and social mobilization. Among them, some slogans have received much attention because of their fierce words or offensive tones, which have sparked great controversies not only among the general public, but also in the academic sector.

2 Literature review

2.1 Overview of slogans

Slogans are an evaluative discourse, which are written in phrases or sentences in a concise and eye-catching way so as to be accepted by the public (Nie and Song 2008). Slogans are generally written in extra-large fonts, made into banners to hang, or painted in large characters directly on both sides of roads and buildings. In the process of modernization and urbanization, the forms of slogans have increased, with new forms of slogans such as electronic slogans coming into being. As Denton (1980) points out, slogans are a common element of today’s society, within which they “may operate as ‘significant symbols’” (p. 12).

Slogans, as a kind of symbol or an external sign acting as “a key to the information contained in the memory of the user” (Trendafilov 2015: 356), have unique linguistic features. Slogans should first of all be succinct, conveying the key idea in a few words (Garrido and Ramos 2006). It is often the case that short slogans are more memorable than longer ones (Ortega et al. 2006; Pike 2004). Secondly, slogans should aim at the ease of recall, which increases when it is easy and memorable or involves rhyme, rhythm or alliteration (Supphellen and Nygaardsvick 2002). Thirdly, slogans should strive for the clarity of the message, which is expected to be unequivocal and unambiguous. If slogans demand too many promotional materials or processing efforts, their effectiveness may evaporate. Fourthly, slogans should attach due importance to the orientation of the message by appealing to the right target audience (Klenosky and Gitelson 1997).

Slogans can serve various social functions. According to Han (2008), slogans can serve three major functions. First, slogans have the goal-orienting function of guiding members of a society to understand, accept and strive to accomplish tasks designated by the government. Second, slogans have an educating function aimed at helping society members to become high-quality citizens of the country. Third, slogans have the stimulating function of helping society members to vent their emotions and express their will. As Zhou (2016) indicates, slogans are regarded as an important carrier of social communication.

China has long had a tradition of using slogans for propaganda, appeal and mobilization (Hu 2021). Whether in everyday or risky situations, slogans are prevalent in urban and rural spaces, forming a unique cultural landscape. Slogans have been so deeply integrated in Chinese culture that they are regarded as a crucial unifying force of Chinese society. As the ruling party of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese Communist Party attaches great importance to slogans, making their use an important tool to govern the country (Gong 2007).

2.2 Previous studies on Chinese anti-pandemic slogans

Dong et al. (2020) investigated the language styles and circulation mode of early COVID-19 slogans, which were used in some Chinese rural areas in the middle of January 2020. They found that early COVID-19 slogans have four language styles: official, gentle, humorous and confrontational. The official style is serious and distant in tone, while the gentle style is more relaxing and amicable. The humorous style is comical by nature, while the confrontational style is abusive. Of these four styles, the confrontational slogans, which are also called the “hardcore” slogans, are used most frequently. Dong et al. (2020) argue that although all the slogans were designed by grass-root organizations to be viewed on site by local farmers, they were quickly photographed and spread onto the Internet as this is an age of We-Media marketing platform. As a result, their circulation mode has been changed from the traditional on-site display of information to decontextualized circulation in cyber space.

Xiao et al. (2020) analyze the Chinese public slogans for fighting the COVID-19 pandemic by employing Aristotle’s rhetorical theory, namely ethos, pathos, and logos. They find that none of the slogans they collected show any incorrect use of logos, which suggests that they are generally credible. However, they also detect some inadequacies in these slogans. On the one hand, some slogans are shown without their creators, which make it hard for ethos to come into effect. On the other hand, some of the “hardcore” slogans are so harsh in tone that they fail to bring pathos into play. Xiao et al. (2020) suggest that government publicity workers, such as the slogan writers, should not only pay attention to the correctness of language expressions, but also to the use of rhetoric. In addition to cultivating and strengthening their rhetorical awareness, slogan writers should also improve their competence in persuasion and empathy to ensure that the public can better understand the policies of the Chinese government.

Han (2021) takes a pragmatic perspective to analyze the Chinese public’s conflicting comments on the “blunt” anti-epidemic slogans,[1] which feature the use of threats of death and disease, insults or negative evaluations, and harsh demands. He points out that these “blunt” slogans were viewed more positively than negatively when they first appeared in the rural areas of Henan, an agricultural province in China. However, criticisms of these slogans for being impolite have increased as time has passed. Han attributes the occurrence of conflicting judgments to the fact the members of the Chinese public are positioned in different time and spaces as some were placed in the past and in the rural areas while some are more recent and urban. He suggests that linguistic impoliteness should be viewed not only in texts, genres and institutions, but also in social, cultural and political settings. He calls for more attention to the issue of linguistic impoliteness in special contexts such as rural areas and social emergencies.

Zhang (2021) takes a legal perspective to examine the “shocking” Chinese anti-pandemic slogans,[2] which are featured either by vulgar, impolite words or by unlawful messages. He points out that such slogans may damage the credibility of the government and exacerbate the tearing apart of the society, despite the fact that they can enhance, to some extent, the anti-pandemic awareness of ordinary people. He attributes the occurrence of these “shocking” anti-pandemic slogans to the misuse of public power, the dislocation of procedural justice and substantive justice, and the wrong application of good laws. He suggests integrating socialist core values into social governance and promoting the mutual accommodation of the rule of law and the rule of virtue.

Zhou and Zhu (2022) conducted a discourse analysis of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans. They point out that these slogans, which can serve as a propaganda tool and a resource of grass-roots governance, play an even more important role than usual in grassroots governance during the pandemic prevention and control. The use of “hardcore” slogans is a rough presentation of exhortations and warnings, reflecting the production of powerful discourse from grassroots governance bodies such as village authorities. Zhou and Zhu (2022) suggest that in the era of the mobile Internet, it is necessary to update the way of grassroots social mobilization and resolve the dilemma of the official discourse. It is also necessary to explore new ways to improve the discourse production and dissemination channels of slogans in social governance.

The above studies show that researchers have approached Chinese anti-pandemic slogans from both linguistic and non-linguistic perspectives. What is of great concern to them is the so-called “hardcore” slogans, which may cause negative social consequences. However, no studies have examined the pragmatic presuppositions of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans. Moreover, most of the previous studies are qualitative by nature with few of them taking a quantitative approach. This study attempts to fill in the gaps by investigating the pragmatic presuppositions of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans by combining the qualitative approach with the quantitative one.

3 Methodology

3.1 Research questions

This study attempts to answer three research questions.

  1. How are the major types of pragmatic presuppositions distributed in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans?

  2. What functions do pragmatic presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans serve?

  3. Are there any misuses of pragmatic presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans?

3.2 Data collection

This study builds a small corpus of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans by collecting slogans from the Internet. There are of course hundreds of slogans of this type available. To increase the representativeness of the slogans to be collected, the number of sources was expanded by making use of two types of Chinese websites, one official and one non-official. The Chinese official website accessed in this study is the website of Huiyang District, Fuzhou City, Fujian Province, China. This website was found by a random online search for Chinese anti-pandemic slogans. It has been chosen for this study because it lists on one of its webpages 181 Chinese anti-pandemic slogans, which greatly exceeds the individual number of slogans of this type listed by other official Chinese websites. It is worth noting that several slogans listed on this website repeat themselves, so the same ones should be removed. After data cleansing, 176 slogans were kept for analysis.

The non-official website accessed in this study is Zhihu, which is a popular online Q&A community for Chinese netizens. A search for Chinese anti-pandemic slogans in Zhihu yields dozens of posts, which are uploaded by netizens. The number of slogans contained in each post varies greatly. It must be pointed out that many slogans found in Zhihu are not only repeated in different posts, but also replicate ones listed on the website of Huiyang District. To avoid repetitions, this study devises the principle that the same slogan is kept only once no matter how many times it is detected. Moreover, this study sets the number of slogans collected from Zhihu to be 176 so as to equate the number of slogans taken from the website of Huiyang District. In the end, this study collected 352 Chinese anti-pandemic slogans, each of which is unique in its own way, and eventually creates, with these slogans, a corpus of its own.

3.3 Data analysis

3.3.1 Classification of pragmatic presuppositions

To classify the pragmatic presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans, this study proposes a scheme that is devised with reference to Chen (1998), Wei (2003), Ji (2011), Zeng (2015) and Li (2016). Chen (1998) suggests that pragmatic presuppositions in advertisements can be divided into factive presupposition, belief presupposition, stative presupposition and behavioral presupposition. Wei (2003) expands Chen’s classification of pragmatic presuppositions by adding two more sub-categories, namely cultural presupposition and pun presupposition. Ji (2011) divides pragmatic presuppositions into six types, namely factive presupposition, cultural presupposition, stative presupposition, behavioral presupposition, belief presupposition, and species presupposition. Zeng (2015) proposes a fivefold division of pragmatic presuppositions in advertisements, which includes belief, stative, behavioral, emotional, and effect presuppositions. Li (2016) also divides pragmatic presuppositions in advertisements into five sub-categories, namely target, belief, stative, behavioral, and knowledge presuppositions.

Above all, it must be pointed out that Ji (2011) classifies the pragmatic presuppositions without specifying the fields they can be applied to, while the classifications made by Chen (1998), Wei (2003), Zeng (2015) and Li (2016) are all focused on advertisements. The similarities and differences between these studies suggest that it is possible to classify pragmatic presuppositions according to the field of study and the purpose of study. Since both advertisements and slogans are an important means of publicity (Gong 2007), this study argues that it is possible to classify the pragmatic presuppositions in slogans with reference to those in advertisements. Of these five studies, belief, stative and behavioral presuppositions are mentioned five times, while factive presuppositions three times and cultural presuppositions twice. Pun, emotional, effect, target, and knowledge presuppositions are mentioned once, respectively. This study argues that pragmatic presuppositions suggested by more than one previous study have a higher degree of acceptance than those suggested only once. Therefore, it keeps belief, stative, behavioral, factive and cultural presuppositions as workable types. This study also argues that of the presuppositions that are mentioned only once, most of them are less acceptable. For example, the effect presupposition proposed by Zeng (2015) and the target category by Li (2016) can be both subcategorized into the stative presuppositions. The pun presuppositions category proposed by Wei (2003) is too narrow in that it is a rhetorical device, which manipulates words be with similar or identical sounds but with different meanings. Narrowness can also found in the species presupposition mentioned by Ji (2011) in that it only deals with basic biological categories such as human beings, animals, plants or objects. In contrast, the knowledge presupposition suggested by Li (2016) is so broad that it can serve as a cover term for pragmatic presuppositions. The only inclusion of a pragmatic presupposition that is mentioned only once is the emotional presupposition suggested by Zeng (2015). Given that ethos, which is an important part of Aristotle’s rhetorical theory, is investigated by Xiao et al. (2020) in their study of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans, this study decided to follow Zeng’s (2015) suit to keep the emotional presupposition as one independent type of pragmatic presuppositions. Eventually, this study divides pragmatic presuppositions into six types, namely factive presupposition, belief presupposition, stative presupposition, behavioral presupposition, emotional presupposition, and cultural presupposition.

3.3.2 Evaluation of pragmatic presuppositions

When evaluating the functions of pragmatic presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans, this study argues that it is more revealing to expand Han’s (2008) three-way classification of the slogan functions, which are goal-orienting, educating, and stimulating. To be specific, it divides the goal-orienting function into persuading people to act properly and admonishing people against wrong doings. The educating function and the stimulating function suggested by Han (2021) are also elaborated, respectively, to be spreading scientific knowledge and bolstering people’s confidence.

When evaluating the misuse of pragmatic presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans, this study takes a comprehensive perspective. It not only takes linguistic politeness into consideration, but also social civility.

3.3.3 Statistic software

This study uses SPSS (Statistical Product and Service Solutions) (Version 26) to perform any statistic test required.

4 Findings

4.1 Distribution of different types of pragmatic presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans

Table 1 shows that behavioral presuppositions rank first in frequency of use, factive presuppositions second, stative presuppositions third, belief presuppositions fourth, cultural presuppositions fifth, and emotional presuppositions sixth. Results of one-way ANOVA test show that the frequency differences between the six types of pragmatic presuppositions are statistically significant (p = 0.000).

Table 1:

Distribution of different types of pragmatic presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans in a descending order.

Type Frequency Percentage (%)
Behavioral presupposition 145 41.19
Factive presupposition 86 24.43
Stative presupposition 63 17.90
Belief presupposition 31 8.81
Cultural presupposition 16 4.55
Emotional presupposition 11 3.13

4.1.1 Sample analysis of behavioral presuppositions

Behavioral presupposition refers to the actions that people used to take or would take (Chen 1998; Ji 2011; Li 2016; Wei 2003; Zeng 2015). It often involves the replacement of previous actions by future actions. Depending on the purpose of communication, behavioral presupposition may be positive or negative.

(1)
人多莫去凑热闹, 出门记得戴口罩
Don’t join the fun when there are many people. Remember to wear a mask when you go out.

This slogan (see Figure 1) is based on the behavioral presupposition that people should avoid social gatherings and should wear masks during the pandemic. It states clearly what people should not do and what they should do. Given the easy spread of the virus, it is not safe for people to go to places where there are many people. To prevent people from being infected with the virus, it is necessary for them to wear masks when they leave home for public places.

Figure 1: 
An example of behavioral presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.
Figure 1:

An example of behavioral presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.

(2)
不信谣、不传谣、不造谣
Don’t believe in rumors. Don’t spread rumors. Don’t create rumors.

This slogan builds on the behavioral presupposition that people should handle rumors responsibly. In the fight against the pandemic, an objective, scientific evaluation of the situation is of uttermost importance. It is not a secret that people, who are under pressure, tend to be keen to know of the latest development of the pandemic or to be eager to spread news about it. However, a very small percentage of Internet users maliciously fabricate, spread and disseminate rumors on the Internet with the ill intention of misleading the public, provoking public panic and undermining social stability. This slogan specifies the right actions for people to take when they are confronted with rumors about the pandemic.

4.1.2 Sample analysis of factive presuppositions

Factive presupposition refers to the objective fact or existence known by all the participants of the communication activity (Chen 1998; Ji 2011; Wei 2003). Facts speak for themselves. The best way to persuade people is to show them the facts. The use of factive presuppositions can increase the credibility of the argument that is being proposed.

(3)
戴口罩是阻断呼吸道分泌物传播的有效手段
Wearing masks is an effective means to block the transmission of respiratory secretions.

This slogan (see Figure 2) is based on the medical fact that wearing masks can prevent the spread of respiratory secretions during the pandemic. As a respiratory disease, the virus of COVID-19 exists in the saliva and nasal mucus a person produces and can be spread in the air. Under such circumstances, masks can act as shields, which can prevent the virus in the air from getting into one’s mouth and then lungs. This medical fact is so solid and so well-known that no one can question the credibility of it. Therefore, it can reinforce the importance of wearing masks during the pandemic.

Figure 2: 
An example of factive presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.
Figure 2:

An example of factive presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.

(4)
哪有什么岁月静好? 不过是有人替你负重前行。——致敬医护人员
How can your life be peaceful and enjoyable without any reason? It’s all because someone is making a sacrifice for you.—A tribute to the medical staff

This slogan is based on the social fact that people’s life in the pandemic is protected by the medical workers. Without the expertise and contribution of the doctors and nurses, people will not be able to enjoy their heath or savor the beauty of life. This slogan is aimed at asking people to be thankful for the work of medical staff. It is the medical staffs who battle the virus at the forefront, providing a safe shelter for people to live. This is a social fact that needs to be acknowledged by the general public. Only with this acknowledgement can the society develop in a healthy way, not only materially, but also spiritually.

4.1.3 Sample analysis of stative presuppositions

Stative presupposition refers to the change of state (Chen 1998; Ji 2011; Li 2016; Wei 2003; Zeng 2015). According to Chen (1998), change of state can be either positive or negative. Positive changes are effected to attract or lure people, while bad changes are produced to discourage or scare people.

(5)
增强自身抵抗力 病毒见你躲着走
If you manage to enhance your immunity, the virus will not come your way.

This slogan (see Figure 3) rests on the stative presupposition that when people reinforce their immunity, they will be less susceptible to the COVID-19 virus. To cope with the COVID-19 pandemic, people can take different measures, such as wearing masks, staying at home and doing exercises. Of them, doing exercises can build up their physique and improve their immunity. When people’s immunity is improved, they will not be easily susceptible to the COVID-19 virus, which is found to affect the aging population more than it does the young.

Figure 3: 
An example of stative presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.
Figure 3:

An example of stative presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.

(6)
宅家十几天, 幸福几十年
Stay home for a dozen days and you may be happy for dozens of years.

This slogan is based on the stative presupposition that there are huge benefits of staying at home during the pandemic. Given the danger of the COVID-19 virus, people can ensure their safety by avoiding going out during the pandemic. Health is of primary importance. When people’s health is ensured, they may live a long life.

4.1.4 Sample analysis of belief presuppositions

Belief presupposition refers to the viewpoints or convictions held by all the participants of the communication activity (Chen 1998; Ji 2011; Li 2016; Wei 2003; Zeng 2015). Beliefs are people’s opinions about issues or the state of people’s mind. Not only do beliefs influence people’s views and attitudes about issues, but also people’s will and action. The use of belief presuppositions in anti-pandemic slogans is to reinforce particular beliefs and views of the general public so that they can be mentally somber and strong.

(7)
生命重于泰山 疫情就是命令 防控就是责任
Life is more important than Mount Tai, the pandemic an order, prevention and control a responsibility.

This slogan (see Figure 4) is based on the belief presupposition that people should put things in perspective during the pandemic. First, it is the belief in life, which is the first and most important aspect in the fight against the pandemic. Nothing is more precious than life, which echoes the Chinese government’s policy of “people first and life first”. Second, the outbreak of the pandemic is an order to mobilize people regardless of their socio-economic position in China to participate in the fight against it. It is a matter of great urgency as the fight against the pandemic is like a war, which may decide the future and destiny of the entire country. Third, prevention of the pandemic is a great responsibility for everybody. Given that the pandemic is a threat to public health, everyone has an obligation to prevent the virus from spreading.

Figure 4: 
An example of belief presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.
Figure 4:

An example of belief presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.

(8)
安安静静待在家就是对疫情防控最好的支持
Staying at home quietly is the best support for the pandemic prevention and control.

This slogan builds on the belief presupposition that people can contribute to the virus prevention and control by staying at home. As an infectious disease, the COVID-19 pandemic easily spread among people. A simple and effective way to control the spread of the disease is to ask people to remain at home and not go out for social gatherings. At the beginning of the outbreak of the pandemic, many people were unaware of the danger of social gatherings. Some of them were not willing to stay at home or to reduce social contacts. It was necessary to make them realize the importance of lockdown and quarantine. For individuals, who were not medical workers or public service providers, the best way for them to contribute was to stay at home and ensure their own safety.

4.1.5 Sample analysis of cultural presuppositions

Cultural presuppositions are tenets and ideas that are agreed upon by people in a given society but exist in the form of underlying assumptions (Ji 2011; Nida and Reyburn 1981; Wei 2003). This latent form of presuppositions is known, accepted and shared by groups of people living in the same society.

(9)
现在请吃的饭都是鸿门宴
The meals you are eating now are all banquets at Hongmen where treacheries are planned.

This slogan (see Figure 5) is based on the Chinese cultural presupposition that the Hongmen Banquet is an invitation with an ill intention. The Hongmen Banquet was held by Xiang Yu, as the leader of one army, to overthrow the rule of the Qin Dynasty and to assassinate his rival Liu Bang, who, the leader of another army, had the potential to overthrow Xiang Yu. Ever since then, the Hongmen Banquet has become a household term to refer to a banquet with an ill intention. During the COVID-19 pandemic, it was dangerous for people to gather to have a large meal as a social gathering may increase the risk of people becoming infected with the virus or spreading it. Therefore, governments at all levels strongly advised people not to gather for meals. The use of the Hongmen Banquet clearly highlights the hazard of inviting friends and relatives to meals, thus dissuading people from doing so.

Figure 5: 
An example of cultural presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.
Figure 5:

An example of cultural presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.

(10)
神仙也要戴口罩, 疫情不是开玩笑
Even immortals must wear masks in that the COVID-19 pandemic is not a joke.

This slogan is based on the Chinese cultural presupposition that immortals are omnipotent or invincible. In the face of a highly contagious disease like the COVID-19 virus, however, even the immortals may become vulnerable and so they must wear masks to be protected from the COVID-19 virus. By taking the immortals as an example, this slogan reinforces the idea that wearing tasks is a necessary preventative measure to be taken during the pandemic.

4.1.6 Sample analysis of emotional presuppositions

Emotional presupposition refers to the existence of a close or intimate relationship between the speaker and the listener (Zeng 2015). Emotional presupposition is based on the premise that people are emotionally interwoven with their family and friends. They are ready to make personal sacrifices for the benefits of their loved ones.

(11)
少吃一顿饭,亲情不会淡!
Gathering less for meals will not weaken family ties.

This slogan (see Figure 6) is based on the emotional presupposition that people are ready to give up personal pleasures for the sake of their loved ones. It asks people not to gather for meals during the pandemic so as to reduce the risk of being infected with the virus or spreading it. Only when everyone in the family is ensured of a good health can the entire family flourish, which will strengthen the family ties instead of weakening them. This slogan points out the positive benefits of people’s correct behaviors from the perspective of their loved ones.

Figure 6: 
An example of emotional presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.
Figure 6:

An example of emotional presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.

(12)
你永远是我的宝贝, 返乡报备, 报备, 报备
You’ll always be my sweetheart. Please report your return on your arrival at the hometown.

This slogan builds on the emotional presupposition that a person travelling or residing in a place far away from home is always valued by his or her fellow towns-men. This slogan establishes an immediate rapport between a returning person and his or her hometown by calling him or her “sweetheart”. For a person who stays away from his or her hometown throughout the year and only returns at the time of the Spring Festival, it is very heart-warming to be called the sweetheart. When the returning person is emotionally connected with his or her hometown, he or she would not wish to cause any harm to their hometown. They may do their part to contribute to the hometown. Therefore, they are likely to be willing to report where they come from upon arrival in the hometown.

4.2 Major functions of pragmatic presuppositions of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans

4.2.1 Persuading people to act properly

Some Chinese anti-pandemic slogans are used to guide people to act properly during the pandemic. Acting properly is essential for the pandemic prevention and control, which may reduce the risk of virus spread and infection. Acting properly is not only important in the short term, but also important in the long term. Proper actions involve many specific acts in work and life.

(13)
早发现、早报告、早隔离、早治疗
Early detection, early report, early quarantine and early treatment.

This slogan rests on the behavioral presupposition that an early approach is necessary for the proper handling of the virus. As the virus is highly infectious, any procrastination regarding the treatment may lead to unpredictable consequences. Therefore, it is necessary for people to stay alert and act promptly when an infection is detected.

(14)
接种新冠疫苗, 共筑健康长城
Vaccinate against the coronavirus to build the Great Wall of health.

This slogan is based on the behavioral presupposition that it is necessary for people to get vaccinated. There are different ways of virus prevention and control. Vaccination is one of them in that it can increase people’s immunity to the virus. However, some people are reluctant to get vaccinated for fear of side effects. Therefore, it is necessary to urge these people to take the vaccination.

4.2.2 Spreading scientific knowledge

Some Chinese anti-pandemic slogans are used to spread scientific knowledge about the prevention and control of the COVID-19 pandemic. Not long after the outbreak of the pandemic in late January, 2020, there occurred a great deal of misunderstandings and rumors about the virus, causing panic among many people. Under such circumstances, it was very important to help people to understand the virus, which is a fundamental step in the fight against the virus. Therefore, some Chinese anti-pandemic slogans were created to educate the public. They act as a social teacher, imparting the correct knowledge to the Chinese people.

(15)
新冠没有特效药, 烟酒抗毒是谣言
There is no effective medicine to treat the COVID-19 virus. It is a baseless rumor to use tobacco and alcohol as a treatment method.

This slogan is an example of the factive presupposition concerning the treatment of the COVID-19 virus. It states explicitly that so far no effective cure for this virus has been invented and it is baseless to believe that tobacco and alcohol are capable of killing the virus. This slogan aims at helping people to acquire a scientific understanding of the treatment of this disease.

(16)
个人防护三要素: 戴口罩、勤洗手、多通风
There are three essential measures for personal protection: wearing masks, washing hands frequently and taking more ventilation.

This slogan is an example of the factive presupposition that scientific personal protection measures must be taken during the pandemic. It tells individual people to wear masks, wash their hands often and ventilate their working and living spaces regularly. This slogan educates the general public about how to protect themselves from the attack of the virus individually.

4.2.3 Warning people against wrongdoings

Some Chinese anti-pandemic slogans are used to admonish people not to act inappropriately by amplifying the severe consequences of wrongdoings. Given the danger of the COVID-19 virus, an act of misbehavior may lead to severe consequences. Therefore, people are expected to behave properly when they are made aware of how severe the consequences may be if they do not.

(17)
不带口罩你试试, 试试就逝世
If you risk not wearing masks, you are doomed to death.

This slogan builds on the stative presupposition that failure to wear masks may incur severe consequences. It states clearly that not wearing masks may bring an immediate end to one’s life in the time of the COVID-19 pandemic. By pointing out the grave consequences of an inappropriate action such as the failure to wear masks, this slogan can persuade people to develop the habit of wearing them.

(18)
疫区返乡不报告, 害家害人不人道
It is inhumane not to report when returning home from the pandemic-savaged area.

This slogan makes use of the stative presupposition that hiding one’s return from the pandemic-savaged area may cause great harm to the people in the surrounding area. As the COVID-19 virus is a highly contagious disease, anyone who returns for the Spring Festival from a virus-hit area may be a virus carrier. Therefore, it is vital for them to honestly report their arrival to the local authority, who may take them to a designated place for quarantine. By specifying the possible harms of their wrongdoing, this slogan can convince people against wrongdoing.

4.2.4 Bolstering people’s confidence

Some Chinese anti-pandemic slogans are used to cheer people up during the rampancy of the virus. In the early stage of Wuhan’s struggle against the virus, a great number of deaths were reported daily. The rising death toll caused a rapid panic among the general public, who became agitated and pessimistic. However, people’s confidence in the eventual victory in the fight against the virus was something that could not afford to be lost. Under such circumstances, slogans were used to provide spiritual support for people, assuring them that the virus would be brought under control and life would return to normal in the future.

(19)
千言万语汇成一句: 中国加油, 湖北加油, 武汉加油。
A thousand words merged into one sentence: Go China! Go Hubei! Go Wuhan!

This slogan is an example of the emotional presupposition that all the Chinese people have concerns for their compatriots and motherland. Wuhan, the capital city of Hubei Province, China, was the place where the COVID-19 pandemic first broke out in this country. It was almost devastated by the mounting number of infections and deaths in the first two months of 2020. Under the leadership of the Chinese central government, it was not long before the whole country was mobilized to fight against the pandemic together. People from different walks of life across the country not only participated in the prevention and control of the virus, but also contributed in helping Wuhan, which was the most severely affected city at that time. Go China, Go Hubei and Go Wuhan reflected the common desire of the Chinese people who were united as one to fight against the pandemic. This slogan greatly boosted the confidence of residents in Wuhan and citizens in China to win the battle against the pandemic.

(20)
没有一个冬天不可逾越, 没有一个春天不会来临
There is no winter that will not go. There is no spring that will not come.

This slogan is based on the factive presupposition that the four seasons of nature take turns to arrive. When the COVID-19 pandemic broke out in Wuhan in late December 2019, the city was locked down immediately. As increasing infections and deaths were reported every passing day, the Spring Festival of 2020 was simply ruined by the pandemic. At that time, people were not only feeling the coldness of the winter temperature, but also the severe threat of the virus. Living in cold and fear, people’s confidence waivered. By referring to a fact of nature that after winter comes spring, this slogan injected a great deal of confidence into people that the contagious pandemic would be controlled and mankind would survive in the end.

4.3 Misuses of pragmatic presuppositions of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans

This study finds that there are sporadic instances of misusing pragmatic presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans. To be specific, these misuses are all concentrated in the so-called “hardcore” slogans, which are characterized by humiliating words or threatening tones. Of course, it must be pointed out that these “hardcore” slogans are used in the Chinese countryside instead of the cities. Rare as they are, however, they are often photographed and posted on the Internet, thus slogans gaining wide public attention. To illustrate, two “hardcore” Chinese anti-pandemic are discussed in this section.

(21)
带病去拜丈母娘, 狠毒好比黄鼠狼
He is as malicious as a weasel who, despite his infection with the virus, visits his mother-in-law in the Spring Festival.

This slogan works on the emotional presupposition that son-in-laws hold their mother-in-laws in high respect and are prepared to pay courtesy to their mother-in-laws in the Chinese lunar New Year celebrations. It is inappropriate in that it describes son-in-laws as malicious as weasels, which always prey on chickens. This slogan can be seen as an insult to son-in-laws who try to show their gratitude and respect to their mother-in-laws by visiting them during the Spring Festival. By trampling on the dignity of son-in-laws, this slogan may trigger a confrontation between family members and even ruin the family relationship.

(22)
今年上门, 明年上坟
If you visit people at home this year, they will be buried in graves next year.

This slogan is based on the belief presupposition that the traditional activities of the Chinese New Year are extremely dangerous during the pandemic period. It is aimed at persuading people not to visit each other to express their New Year good wishes. It is inappropriate in that it resorts to the word “grave”, which is a taboo in the Chinese society, especially during a happy festive time like the Spring Festival, to vilify the good-will Chinese tradition of visiting each other. It may be successful in illustrating the danger of visiting each other during the Chinese Spring Festival, but it also stigmatizes the time-honored Chinese tradition.

5 Discussion

5.1 Building a linguistic Great Wall with Chinese anti-pandemic slogans

As the most major public health crisis in many decades, the COVID-19 pandemic has posed a serious challenge to the Chinese government’s public crisis management system. In the face of a large public crisis like this, it does not suffice to rely on the single force of the government alone. It is necessary to mobilize various social forces to participate in the crisis management mechanism so as to reduce the harm and loss caused by the pandemic. Chinese anti-pandemic slogans have the potential advantages of being eye-catching, concise, easy to understand, easy to accept, and easy to remember. They can guide people to act properly, disseminate scientific knowledge about the virus, admonish people against wrongdoings and enhance people’s confidence. As an effective means to educate, mobilize and lead people to treat the virus correctly in cognition and action, anti-pandemic slogans are indispensable to the Chinese government’s efforts to curb the virus and are crucial to the health of the Chinese people in the long term. These slogans are so widely used in the Chinese fight against the COVID-19 pandemic that they can be seen almost everywhere. They are not only an eye-catching linguistic landscape, but also an important social weapon to repel the COVID-19 virus. It can therefore be assumed that Chinese anti-pandemic slogans can serve as a linguistic Great Wall against the novel coronavirus.

Chinese President Xi Jinping (2020) pointed out that it is of great importance to do well in publicity, education and public opinion guidance and in making overall plans for online and offline, domestic and international, and major and minor events, so as to better strengthen confidence, encourage the people, provide people with emotional inspiration and better maintain the overall social stability. As far as the creation of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans is concerned, it is necessary to strengthen the popularization of scientific knowledge, standardize language expressions, convey humanistic warmth, constantly cultivate a scientific and rational social mentality, and help the public protect themselves and others in a scientific way. When the public develops the habit of advocating science and believing in science, they may suffer less anxiety and stop panicking. In this way, it is feasible to build a solid line of defense for epidemic prevention and control, and preventing and defeating the virus will be possible.

5.2 Eradicating linguistic pollutions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans

China is a nation with a long history and a rich civilization. The Chinese language was created by Chinese ancestors to facilitate communication rather than to criticize their compatriots. The use of a country’s language is to some extent a reflection of the language literacy of its people. However, a small percentage of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans are harsh, apathetic, rude, intimidating or even unlawful. These slogans fail to follow the people-oriented thought, thus lacking humanistic care. They may hurt the feelings of the local people and even be used as an excuse to attack the Chinese government by people with ill-willed ulterior motives. Eventually they may taint the image of the strenuous epidemic prevention and control efforts made by the Chinese government. Moreover, slogans such as these may hinder the advancement of civilization and hinder progress. They may cause dislike or disgust to the local people who have already been negatively affected by the pandemic. Some vulgar, violent, and disrespectful slogans are a kind of linguistic pollution, which may not only pollute the social environment, but also people’s minds. The proliferation of such negative linguistic expressions has affected, to varying degrees, the purity and vitality of the Chinese language. Therefore, the rudeness of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans should be avoided so as to treat people humanely. Those negative slogans should have no place in the repertoire of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.

The emergence of vulgar and rude slogans is a result of an inappropriate epidemic prevention method taken by some grass-roots leaders. On the surface, these slogans, which sound like the insults or curses uttered by abusive women or aggressive men, fail to bring pathos into play (Xiao et al. 2020). In essence, they reflect that their creators do not have decency or a strong sense of the law. “Hardcore” anti-pandemic slogans have triggered a heated public debate on the Internet and exacerbated the deterioration of society (Zhang 2021). These vulgar and violent slogans may do a disservice to the epidemic prevention and control efforts. Therefore, linguistic abuses in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans should not be advocated. After all, epidemic prevention and control should not have to depend on a vulgar and indecent language. China has a vast territory and different local customs, but speaking and doing civilized things are the norm in every region. As far as the slogan creation is concerned, it should aim to be more refined and less forceful.

To eradicate inappropriate language in the creation of Chinese anti-epidemic slogans, it is necessary for slogan creators to renounce some flawed mindsets. As the famous Chinese revolutionary writer Lu Xun (1932) described it, abuse and intimidation is never a true fight. It is not right to assume that the daily language of the working class people, such as factory workers and rural farmers, are vulgar and rude by nature or to adopt a domineering management style to deal with these people. Nor is it right to intensify the efforts to prevent and control the COVID-19 pandemic by creating an atmosphere of fear. In the face of a sudden pandemic, ideal slogans should give people more scientific knowledge, emotional comfort and humanistic care rather than sarcasm or intimidation in a disguised form. The use of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans should not only aim for a short-term publicity effect, but also a long-term social impact (Zhou and Zhu 2022). Although aggressive slogans can force people to realize the seriousness of the pandemic, they are too vulgar and therefore not conducive to the advancement of social civilization. As Han (2021) indicates, the “hardcore” slogans, despite their initial popularity, are coming under increasing criticism over time. Therefore, it is an unavoidable responsibility for slogan creators to ensure the publicity effect of anti-pandemic slogans on the one hand and to promote the level of social civilization on the other.

6 Conclusion

Slogans have been widely used in the Chinese fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. This study takes a mixed approach (quantitative and qualitative) to investigate the pragmatic presuppositions in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans. Through building a corpus of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans collected from the Internet and making sample analyses of them, this study yields three major findings. Firstly, six types of pragmatic presuppositions are used in Chinese anti-pandemic slogans. Among them, the behavioral presuppositions enjoy the highest frequency of use, followed by factive presuppositions, stative presuppositions, belief presuppositions, cultural presuppositions and emotional presuppositions in a descending order. Secondly, the pragmatic presuppositions of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans may fulfill four major functions, which are guiding people to behave properly, disseminating scientific information, admonishing people against wrongdoings and enhancing people’s confidence to win the battle against the pandemic. Thirdly, there are infrequent occurrences of misusing pragmatic presuppositions in the so-called “hardcore” anti-pandemic slogans. This study concludes that an adequate knowledge of pragmatic presuppositions is indispensable to a correct understanding and a proper creation of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans.

Finally, it must be pointed out that this study has some limitations. First, the number of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans is insufficient for a comprehensive analysis. Second, no first-hand comments on these slogans are obtained. Future studies are advised to build a large corpus of Chinese anti-pandemic slogans and conduct interviews with relevant Chinese people to know how they actually feel about these slogans.


Corresponding author: Renquan Heng, School of Foreign Languages, Soochow University, Suzhou, China, E-mail:

About the authors

Junhua Mo

Junhua Mo is associate professor of English in the School of Foreign Languages, Soochow University, Suzhou, China. He obtained his PhD in applied linguistics from Nanjing University, China. His major interests include second language acquisition, pragmatics, and discourse analysis.

Renquan Heng

Renquan Heng is associate professor of English in the School of Foreign Languages, Soochow University, Suzhou, China. He obtained his PhD in applied linguistics from Nanjing University, China. His major interests include corpus linguistics, discourse analysis, and foreign language teaching.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to extend their sincere gratitude to the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions and the copy editor for his or her contributions. All the remaining errors are our own.

  1. Research funding: This research was funded by the Social Science Foundation of Soochow University (Grant Number: NH33711320) and the Higher Education Teaching Reform Foundation of Soochow University (Grant Number: 5731502420).

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Received: 2022-08-25
Accepted: 2022-09-15
Published Online: 2022-11-09
Published in Print: 2022-12-16

© 2022 the author(s), published by De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

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