A study on the trauma narratives in online discourse of the Chinese hearing-impaired community

3.1 Research questions

This study adopts Ladegaard’s (2015) three-dimensional framework for trauma narrative research to examine the trauma characteristics in the self-disclosure discourse of the hearing-impaired community on online platforms. Ladegaard’s approach combines Toolan’s (2001) focus on the linguistic features of narrative structure with a narrative therapy perspective (Brown and Augusta-Scott 2006), which argues that our stories do more than reflect past experiences – they constitute our identity and shape our relationships. This therapeutic aspect is especially relevant for trauma research, where the process of telling one’s story can be empowering and healing. By analyzing language, structure, and emotion, we can uncover how trauma is not only expressed but also processed and reinterpreted through storytelling.

Furthermore, narratives serve multiple functions, as highlighted by Medved and Brockmeier (2008), such as creating coherence, distancing the narrator from painful experiences, and enabling emotional re-evaluation. These functions are crucial for understanding how individuals within the hearing-impaired community construct and communicate their trauma, especially in the context of online self-disclosure, where language is often fragmented but emotionally rich.

This framework is well-suited for this study as it allows for a comprehensive analysis of the distinctive features of trauma narratives in the online discourse of the hearing-impaired community. The research will address the following questions:

1. In terms of sentences and vocabulary, based on the linguistic characteristics of trauma narratives identified by Tausczik and Pennebaker (2010), what are the distinctive features of sentence construction and vocabulary usage in the online trauma discourse of the hearing-impaired community in China?

2. In terms of narrative structure, drawing on narrative structure theories by Toolan (2001) and Prince (2003), what are the defining structural elements in the online trauma discourse of the hearing-impaired community in China?

3. In terms of emotional expression, using Parrott’s (2001) basic emotion classification framework, how are emotions expressed and characterized in the online trauma narratives of the hearing-impaired community in China?

3.2 Data collection

This study draws data from three primary social media platforms – Weibo, RedNote, and TikTok – where the Chinese hearing-impaired community frequently publishes “hearing impairment logs”. By searching for keywords such as “听障” (tingzhang, ‘hearing impairment’) and “日志” (rizhi, ‘log’), we identified relevant content for analysis, with a focus on the textual elements of discourse and the linguistic expressions used by the community.

To adhere to ethical research standards, we ensured that all selected logs were publicly available, and that no personally identifiable information was collected or used in a manner that could compromise the privacy of individuals. Additionally, the data collection process adhered to Institutional Review Board guidelines, ensuring informed consent and transparency throughout the research.

To ensure the quality and comprehensiveness of the data, while also considering the narrative significance of the logs, we applied three key selection criteria grounded in narrative and trauma theories: (1) Open access: Selected logs were fully accessible to all users. This criterion aligns with Linde’s (1986) principle of public narrative discourse, emphasizing the importance of accessibility for broader interpretation and analysis. Open access ensures the external validity of the narratives, making them representative of community-based discourse. (2) Regular updates: Logs were required to include frequent updates, reflecting the evolving nature of the authors’ life conditions. This criterion is supported by trauma theory, which posits that trauma narratives are dynamic, evolving over time as individuals process experiences and reconstruct identities (Pennebaker et al. 2001). Regular updates provide valuable insights into the ongoing interplay between trauma and recovery. (3) Detailed content: Logs needed to contain rich, descriptive content, including narratives about hearing impairment, treatment processes, and emotional expressions. This is consistent with narrative theory (Herman et al. 2012), which underscores the importance of detailed storytelling in capturing the complexity of lived experiences. At the same time, we excluded any logs that failed to meet the above criteria, such as those with limited content, logs that were irregularly updated, or those that were set to private or restricted viewing. We also excluded posts that did not focus specifically on hearing impairment or lacked meaningful emotional expression and detailed descriptions of the treatment process.

Following the application of these criteria, we selected online log entries from three hearing-impaired individuals, labeled as Sample 1, Sample 2, and Sample 3. Using LancsBox, we extracted relevant texts from the time of their first hearing impairment log publication up until July 1, 2024. After manual screening, a corpus of 284 entries was established, providing a robust dataset for analysis.

3.3 Data analysis

Following Ladegaard’s (2015) criteria, trauma narratives often exhibit distinct features: (1) crying or emotional breakdowns that interrupt the narrative flow;(2) existential questioning, often accompanied by references to suicidal thoughts; (3) repeated mentions of traumatic experiences; and (4) a pervasive sense of fear. Guided by these criteria, the hearing impairment logs were meticulously examined, and trauma-related discourse was identified and labeled.

This study adopts the Qualitative Conventional Content Analysis (QCCA) method (Hsieh and Shannon 2005). This approach involves coding, categorizing, and labeling textual data to classify themes based on meanings identified directly from the text, without relying on predefined categories. QCCA is particularly suitable for this study, as it enables an in-depth understanding of trauma narratives from the participants’ perspectives, aligning with the study’s objective to explore the lived experiences of the hearing-impaired community.

To illustrate the coding process, we provide an example from the selected hearing impairment logs. The data analysis was conducted in three stages: (1) Each log entry was read thoroughly, and themes were identified by grouping similar expressions and recurring topics into categories based on trauma-related keywords. (2) Themes were refined and organized in reference to the context of each post (Tausczik and Pennebaker 2010). Each post was then assigned specific codes reflecting its central trauma-related features. For instance, in one entry, Sample 1 stated: “I couldn’t stop crying when I received the diagnosis. It felt like my world was falling apart.” This was coded as “Crying”, reflecting emotional distress interrupting the narrative flow, an essential characteristic of trauma narratives according to Ladegaard’s framework. Regarding the analysis process, two points need clarification. First, to maintain the integrity and authenticity of the dataset, all data were originally in Chinese. Second, to ensure effective data presentation, all data in this paper were translated into English by the authors.

4.1 Language feature in online trauma narratives

The choice of vocabulary, tense, and sentence structure in discourse plays a crucial role in reflecting the narrator’s trauma experiences (O’Kearney and Perrott 2006). These linguistic elements serve as a window into the psychological and emotional states of the narrator, revealing how trauma shapes their perception and expression of events. As Stirman and Pennebaker (2001) suggest, language patterns, including shifts in pronoun usage and verb tense, can provide significant insights into an individual’s cognitive and emotional processing of traumatic experiences.

The psychological lexicon, encompassing emotional and cognitive terms, serves as an effective tool for exploring an individual’s psychological state and identifying depressive emotions. This highlights the pivotal role of language in offering insights into mental health, as specific word choices often reflect underlying emotional and cognitive processes.

In Example (1), the narrator’s frequent use of terms such as “lonely” and “inferiority” underscores an ongoing emotional struggle linked to social rejection and self-perception. These choices of psychological vocabulary align with the framework proposed by Pennebaker et al. (2001), who argue that language acts as both a cognitive and emotional mirror, reflecting underlying psychological states. Words associated with loneliness and inferiority often point to an internalized sense of exclusion and inadequacy, particularly within marginalized groups. The narrator’s consistent use of terms that indicate emotional pain not only reveals their struggle with social identity but also suggests a cognitive preoccupation with their perceived deficiencies. This pattern reflects what Culbertson (1995) refers to as the “emotional re-living” of trauma, where individuals’ linguistic choices expose their ongoing entanglement with past hurt and social stigmatization.

McCarthy (2019) further highlights that the use of pronouns and tense shifts can signal the narrator’s efforts to process traumatic experiences. The employment of the present tense to describe formative childhood experiences suggests that the narrator remains emotionally anchored to past social exclusions, a hallmark of unresolved trauma.

According to Knoff et al. (2024), the use of pronouns can provide insight into the narrator’s efforts to process trauma. The consistent use of first-person pronouns (“I”) often reflects a deeply personal engagement with the traumatic experience, while third-person pronouns (“they”) may indicate an emotional or social distance from others involved in the narrative. In Example (2), the narrator predominantly relies on the first-person pronoun “I” to convey personal vulnerability and introspection. The repeated use of “I” underscores the narrator’s focus on their individual feelings of exclusion and inadequacy. In contrast, the third-person pronoun “they” is used to describe the other children, highlighting the social divide and emphasizing the narrator’s perceived separation from the group. This dichotomy between “I” and “they” mirrors the narrator’s emotional struggle and inability to bridge the gap between themselves and their peers, reinforcing the trauma of exclusion.

McCarthy (2019) emphasizes that tense shifts can signify a narrator’s emotional attachment to traumatic experiences. Specifically, the use of the present tense to describe past events suggests that the narrator remains emotionally anchored to those experiences, which is a hallmark of unresolved trauma. In this example, the narrator uses past tense in phrases like “I was a child” and “I really wanted to join them” establishing the events as part of their past. However, the shift to present tense in “I still think about those days” and “their laughter and voices are still echoing” shows that the emotional impact of these past experiences remains vivid and active in the narrator’s present life. This shift indicates that, despite the passage of time, the narrator has not emotionally distanced themselves from the trauma. The present tense serves to reanimate the painful emotions tied to past social exclusion, suggesting that the trauma continues to shape their current sense of self. The narrator is effectively trapped in a cycle, where the past is not fully integrated into their present reality, preventing emotional resolution and closure. This supports McCarthy’s theory, illustrating how unresolved trauma can keep the narrator emotionally tethered to past experiences.

Increased negation in trauma narratives reflects the individual’s denial of their traumatic experience and uncertainty about the future (Cohn et al. 2004). The frequent use of negation signals a psychological defense mechanism, where the individual distances themselves from painful emotions and struggles to envision a positive future. This pattern underscores the emotional block created by trauma, which prevents the person from processing the experience or moving forward.

In many trauma narratives, negation arises when individuals struggle with their identity and their relationship to the trauma (Berman et al. 2020). The act of denying labels, as seen in Example (3) “I am not disabled, nor am I deaf-mute,” is a direct refusal to accept the implications of their condition. By rejecting these terms, the narrator attempts to assert control over their identity and resist the social stigma that comes with being disabled. This denial is not absolute. The phrase “but I know it’s not true” reveals an internal conflict – while the narrator outwardly denies their condition, they are simultaneously aware of its reality. This awareness shows that the trauma remains unresolved and continues to affect them emotionally. This inner contradiction highlights how negation is not just a linguistic feature but also an emotional barrier that keeps the person trapped in a state of unresolved trauma.

Furthermore, the use of negation extends to the narrator’s perception of their future. When the narrator states, “I didn’t even get a chance” the negation of opportunity conveys a sense of hopelessness and frustration. By denying the possibility of success (“didn’t get a chance”), the narrator expresses a belief that their future is constrained by their disability, reinforcing the trauma’s pervasive influence on their life. In this context, negation becomes a symbolic closure of the potential for change, leaving the narrator feeling trapped in a cycle of denial and emotional stagnation. This use of negation is the negation of trauma narratives, where individuals struggle to accept their situation and are unable to envision a positive future. It functions both as a defense against the pain of acceptance and as a reflection of the profound uncertainty trauma installs, hindering healing and personal growth.

The use of psychological vocabulary, tense shifts, and frequent negation in trauma narratives serves as a powerful reflection of the narrator’s ongoing emotional and psychological struggles. These linguistic features function not only as defense mechanisms in the trauma-processing journey but also as indicators of the profound emotional impact of trauma. By carefully choosing psychological terms, the narrator expresses feelings of inner pain, loneliness, and inferiority. The shifts in tense reveal that traumatic memories continue to influence their emotional state, preventing full reconciliation with the past. The frequent use of negation further underscores the narrator’s denial and avoidance of the trauma, indicating emotional distance and uncertainty about the future. Together, these linguistic elements expose how trauma profoundly shapes the narrator’s cognition, emotions, and behaviors, influencing their self-perception, relationships with others, and outlook on life.

4.2 Structure feature in online trauma narratives

Prince (2003) defines narrative structure as the network of relationships between the different components of an event as well as between each component and the whole. In the context of the hearing-impaired group’s online trauma narratives, all accounts revolve around the core event of hearing impairment, typically composed of three parts: hearing loss, treatment for hearing impairment, and the resulting physical and psychological changes. These events are narrated in a linear chronological order (Booker et al. 2020), usually beginning with the acceptance of hearing loss and the publication of the first log entry, followed by regular updates on related content. The narrative content generally includes the following three aspects: first, accepting the reality of hearing impairment; second, providing a detailed description of the specifics of hearing impairment; third, expressing the sadness and difficulty in accepting this reality.

The narrative structure of the hearing-impaired trauma stories follows a clear, linear progression. In the case of these stories, the core event is hearing loss, and this event is explored in terms of its physical, medical, and emotional dimensions. The sequence begins with the realization of the impairment, followed by the search for treatment, and culminates in the emotional and psychological challenges faced by the individual. This structure is typical of trauma narratives, where the experience unfolds chronologically, starting with an initial crisis and leading to ongoing attempts to cope with the changes it brings.

Examples (4)–(6) from Sample 1 provide a poignant illustration of how trauma narratives unfold, particularly in the context of hearing impairment. They highlight the profound emotional and psychological upheaval that hearing loss entails, reflecting a complex interplay between physical, emotional, and social dimensions. Drawing from Prince’s (2003) narrative structure theory, we see how these individual stories are composed of interconnected components – diagnosis, treatment, and emotional adjustment – that interact to form a larger, more holistic narrative of coping with a disability.

In Example (4), the narrator’s initial denial of the hearing loss reflects a common response to trauma (Caruth 1995). The individual tries to rationalize the symptoms, attributing the hearing difficulty to something temporary, such as a cold. This is a typical cognitive mechanism in trauma recovery, where the mind tries to maintain a sense of normalcy by downplaying the event’s seriousness (Goldsmith et al. 2004). However, when the diagnosis of sensorineural hearing impairment is confirmed, it forces a shift in perspective. The irreversible nature of the condition becomes apparent, marking a profound emotional rupture. This narrative transition from disbelief to acceptance mirrors the typical trauma process, where an individual first grapples with the emotional shock of the event, only to later face the inevitable confrontation with a new reality. Trauma narratives often begin with this moment of rupture – the acknowledgment that life, as it was known, has changed forever. From a theoretical standpoint, this mirrors what Caruth (1995) describes as the “impossibility of fully grasping trauma”, where the trauma itself is too disruptive to be immediately processed and must be revisited over time.

Example (5) shifts the focus from the moment of diagnosis to the coping strategies employed in response to the hearing loss. The narrator’s use of a hearing aid symbolizes a turning point – an attempt to “repair” the physical condition. However, as the narrator points out, the hearing aid does not fully resolve the problem. This discrepancy between medical intervention and the lived experience of disability is crucial. The hearing aid, while useful, does not address the underlying social and emotional challenges faced by the individual. It highlights the “gap between the body and the self”, where medical treatments focus on alleviating symptoms but fail to bridge the emotional and existential gaps created by the trauma. The emotional pain, frustration, and sense of isolation conveyed in this example are consistent with what Herman (1998) terms the “social death” aspect of trauma, where individuals are marginalized not only by their condition but by their inability to fully engage with society. This social isolation further amplifies the trauma, creating a cycle of emotional distress.

Example (6) marks a further stage in the individual’s coping process: resignation mixed with ongoing sadness. Despite the medical intervention of the hearing aid, the narrator struggles to fully accept the loss of hearing, frequently yearning for the sounds of the past. This longing reflects what many trauma survivors experience – an inability to reconcile the present with the past. It also touches on the existential aspect of trauma, where the individual is forced to confront not only the physical changes in their life but also the deeper emotional and psychological wounds. The question of “why me” is a key marker of existential trauma, reflecting a crisis of meaning that often arises after traumatic events. This is where the emotional complexity of trauma comes to the forefront: despite efforts to adjust and move forward, the emotional scars remain, indicating that trauma recovery is not a linear process but an ongoing negotiation with one’s sense of self and the world around them.

These examples underscore the layered nature of trauma, where the trauma narrative is shaped not only by the physical aspects of the condition but also by the emotional, psychological, and social challenges that follow. Trauma narratives are not simply a series of events, but a dynamic network of interrelated components – each influencing and shaping the others. These narratives are deeply personal but also resonate with broader societal and existential themes, such as identity, loss, and the quest for meaning.

Hydén and Brockmeier (2008) argue that trauma narratives often defy traditional narrative structures due to the difficulty of articulating traumatic experiences. Trauma, by its nature, overwhelms the individual’s ability to process and make sense of the event, leading to narratives that are fragmented, unstable, and incoherent.

In Example (7), the narrator’s recounting of events is notably discontinuous, which disrupts the typical, linear progression of a story. Initially, the narrator begins by describing an ordinary, mundane moment – her mother’s plan to go for a walk, followed by a feeling of sadness and lack of motivation when they ultimately don’t go. However, the narrative abruptly shifts, recalling a traumatic experience from a few months prior. This sudden jump in time, marked by “a few blurry images flashing in my mind” and uncertainty over the timeline, exemplifies the fragmented nature of trauma narratives. The inability to precisely recall or locate the memory in time is indicative of the cognitive disarray often experienced by trauma survivors, where the traumatic event intrudes upon the present in disjointed, incoherent ways, rather than following a clear, chronological order. Moreover, as the narrator attempts to describe the distressing interaction with her boss, the narrative further deviates from a coherent structure. The recounting of her boss speaking to her in the car and her inability to hear clearly – leading to her only being able to respond with “nods and forced smiles” – is fragmented and lacks clear causality. There is no smooth transition between the events or logical connection between her confusion and the emotional tension that follows. This disjointed representation of the experience, coupled with the anxiety and helplessness conveyed through the brief and fragmented descriptions, highlights the struggle of translating trauma into a coherent narrative. The traumatic experience is not something that can be easily articulated or neatly structured; it resists logical order and appears in the narrative in a state of confusion.

The fragmented structure of the narrative is not merely a stylistic choice but reflects the fundamental nature of trauma itself (Tseris 2015). Trauma, by its very definition, overwhelms an individual’s capacity for coherent thought, leading to memories that are disrupted, distorted, and often experienced as disjointed fragments rather than a seamless sequence (Hydén and Brockmeier 2008). In this way, the inability to clearly articulate or structure the traumatic memory as a coherent event mirrors the difficulty in processing and making sense of trauma itself. The narrative’s instability underscores the emotional turmoil and cognitive dissonance that trauma survivors often experience, and the lack of closure or clarity in the storytelling process highlights how trauma can linger, constantly disrupting the present and complicating the process of integration into a stable, unified self.

Trauma narratives often reflect the inexpressibility of the traumatic experience, as proposed by Herman (1998), where survivors struggle to articulate their emotions and memories. This results in fragmented, disjointed storytelling that lacks coherence and continuity. Toolan (2001) describes this as a “disjointed story”, where the narrative jumps between events, omits details, or hesitates, illustrating the cognitive and emotional barriers that prevent a clear, linear retelling. These disruptions in the narrative structure highlight the difficulty of processing and making sense of trauma, revealing how such experiences challenge conventional forms of storytelling.

In Example (8), the use of ellipses (“…”) serves as a key marker of emotional disruption and cognitive disorientation. The narrator’s repeated use of ellipses – such as in “I’m so tired […] I’m so lost […] Where is my life heading […]” – illustrates an inability to fully articulate their emotional state. These pauses in the narrative suggest a gap in the narrator’s thought process, a hesitation or inability to express the depth of their distress. The trailing ellipses leave the thoughts incomplete, reflecting the fragmented nature of the trauma experience. This use of ellipses aligns with Herman’s (1998) notion of the inexpressibility of trauma. Trauma often overwhelms the individual’s ability to articulate their emotional and psychological state, leaving them unable to fully process or narrate their experiences. The ellipses here symbolize the unspeakable nature of trauma – where words fail to capture the entirety of the feeling or the experience. This aligns with Herman’s idea that survivors of trauma often struggle with a fractured sense of self and an inability to narrate their story coherently, as the trauma exceeds the boundaries of language. Additionally, Toolan’s (2001) concept of a “disjointed story” is also reflected in this narrative. The narrator’s fragmented thoughts, marked by the ellipses, disrupt the usual flow of storytelling. The narrative does not follow a linear path; instead, it reflects the disjointed nature of traumatic memory, where the sequence of events becomes blurred, and the emotional weight of each moment is suspended. The ellipses illustrate how trauma narratives often fail to form a coherent, continuous story, revealing the challenges of making sense of a profoundly disorienting experience. This interruption in the narrative structure demonstrates how trauma disrupts conventional forms of storytelling, leaving gaps and pauses that mirror the narrator’s emotional fragmentation and the difficulty of constructing a unified, linear narrative.

The trauma narratives of individuals with hearing impairment demonstrate three key structural features. First, they often follow a linear narrative, starting with the initial acceptance of hearing loss, progressing through treatment, and ultimately leading to emotional adjustment and psychological adaptation. However, these narratives are also marked by narrative incoherence, where the traumatic experiences are difficult to express in a clear, continuous manner. This incoherence reflects the cognitive and emotional disarray that individuals face when processing trauma. Additionally, the narratives are frequently fragmented, highlighting the disjointed nature of traumatic memory, where the experience resists a coherent, logical structure. These structural elements together emphasize the complexity of trauma and the challenges individuals encounter in trying to make sense of their altered reality.

4.3 Emotional expression in online trauma narratives

Emotion, often described as a neurophysiological state, represents an immediate and instinctive response to mood and feelings (Russel 2003). Unlike mood, which tends to be more prolonged and less tied to specific stimuli, emotions are typically associated with a particular subject. According to Parrott’s (2001) basic emotion classification, emotions are categorized into six primary types: anger, fear, happiness, love, sadness, and surprise.

The online narratives of the hearing-impaired community reflect a wide range of emotions consistent with Parrott’s framework. Initially, negative emotions such as sadness, fear, and anger dominate, often arising from social isolation, communication challenges, and experiences of discrimination. However, as these narratives evolve, a notable emotional shift occurs: expressions of love, happiness, and hope emerge, particularly in moments of community support, shared understanding, and solidarity. This progression from negative to positive emotions highlights the resilience of hearing-impaired individuals and their ability to reinterpret traumatic experiences through interpersonal connections and collective engagement. These emotional transformations not only reveal the complexity of their affective experiences but also emphasize key coping mechanisms and psychological adaptations within this marginalized community.

This hearing-impaired individual’s online trauma narrative reveals profound emotional suffering, conveyed through a characteristic trauma narrative style. In studying Holocaust survivors’ trauma narratives, Herman (1998) observed that such accounts often immerse individuals in deep sorrow, a theme echoed in this individual’s posts. In Example (9), phrases like “devastated” and “cried” vividly express the extreme sadness and helplessness they endure. These expressions not only reflect their current emotional state but also underscore the ongoing psychological strain caused by the persistent lack of diagnosis.

Crying as “a language beyond words” a sentiment is embodied in this individual’s discourse. Crying is not merely an emotional release but a poignant representation of sorrow that transcends linguistic expression. By narrating their episodes of crying, they communicate the intensity of their emotions while simultaneously highlighting the inadequacy of language to fully articulate such profound pain. Furthermore, crying serves not only as an outlet for sadness and helplessness but also as a behavioral manifestation of inner anguish. This individual’s documentation of their crying illustrates a process of emotional externalization, making their trauma more tangible to readers. Through this behavior, they express a deep sense of powerlessness regarding their condition and anxiety over an uncertain future, offering an intimate glimpse into the emotional toll of their experience. By integrating emotionally charged language with behavioral expressions such as crying, this individual constructs a trauma narrative that is both deeply personal and universally resonant. This narrative thus transcends mere personal catharsis, offering a lens through which the broader psychological and emotional dimensions of trauma can be understood.

According to Parrott’s (2001) emotion polarity scale, trauma narratives in the online discourse of patient communities predominantly reflect negative emotions. However, as their condition progresses, a shift from negative to positive emotions often occurs. This emotional transition is particularly prominent in the narratives of marginalized communities, especially when individuals receive social care or support. Mansfield et al. (2010) highlight that after experiencing significant traumatic events, individuals tend to shift toward a more positive emotional polarity as social support increases. This process, commonly referred to as “emotional repair” involves establishing emotional connections with others, enabling individuals to move beyond wholly negative responses to trauma and adopt a more positive perspective on their circumstances.

Social care and support play a crucial role in driving emotional shifts in the narratives of hearing-impaired individuals. According to Fredrickson’s Broaden-and-Build theory (2004), positive emotions not only expand individuals’ cognitive and behavioral repertoires but also enhance psychological resilience, facilitating better coping mechanisms in the face of adversity. This is evident in Example (10), where the narrative transitions from negative emotions to expressions of hope and aspirations, demonstrating how external support can foster positive emotional development.

First, a critical factor in this emotional shift lies in the individual’s reimagining of their future and redefining their self-identity. For instance, the expression of a dream to “become a teacher and take control of my destiny” reflects a process in which external support is transformed into internal motivation. This suggests that the narrator has moved beyond the immediate focus on past trauma to establish new, positive life goals. Such expressions align with Mansfield et al. (2010), who argue that individuals receiving external support are more likely to disengage from negative emotions and construct more hopeful narratives.

Second, social support serves as a catalyst in this transformation. The narrator’s call for greater attention to the deaf community and for others to “think more”, and “do more” underscores the importance of social interactions in building a sense of connection and validation. Fredrickson (2004) suggests that positive emotions are reinforced through external feedback, and online platforms offer opportunities for such interactions. When hearing-impaired individuals share their experiences online, encouragement and recognition from society can significantly enhance their psychological resilience, fostering a shift from isolation and helplessness to empowerment and optimism.

Third, this emotional shift is also evident in the individual’s desire to give back to society. The phrase “let love be heard” signifies a transition from being a recipient of care to an active participant in social advocacy. The narrator moves beyond recounting their trauma to engage with broader social issues, linking personal experiences to collective action emphasizing proactive responses to adversity driven by positive emotions.

The emotional expression in the online trauma narratives of the hearing-impaired community demonstrates a clear progression from negative emotions such as sadness and fear to positive emotions like hope and love. This shift reflects their ability to reinterpret traumatic experiences through social support, personal resilience, and a desire to engage with broader societal issues. These narratives not only highlight their emotional recovery but also underscore the transformative potential of shared experiences in fostering empowerment and connection.