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Projection in Arabic: a typological overview

  • Mohamed Ali Bardi EMAIL logo
Veröffentlicht/Copyright: 2. Oktober 2024

Abstract

This article examines the different aspects of projection by focusing on the processes construing this area of the lexicogrammar. It also explores how Arabic construes this dimension of the lexicogrammar across the rank scale and beyond. Within the Hallidayan Systemic Functional paradigm, there are three variables that differentiate between any type of projection and this article investigates all three of them. It more precisely explores the three different projection systems which consist of (i) the level of projection which is about the distinction between mental and verbal projection. (ii) The mode of projection which is about tactic interdependency relations and whether what is projected is a quote (paratactic) or a report (hypotactic) and (iii) the speech function of projection which is where projection interacts with the system of mood and the projection of propositions and proposals. The last section studies the manifestation of projection patterns in a wide variety of lexico-grammatical environments. The findings will show how this pervasiveness substantiates the interpretation of projection as a fractal motif.

1 Introduction

Despite the difference in perspectives and the theoretical paradigms which have been used to study the verbal group, most of the literature that ensued has been about its constituency and has mainly concentrated on a particular type of verbs, called material processes in Hallidayan Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG). Halliday and Matthiessen (2004: 171) attribute this interest in material processes to the fact that they are “the most accessible to our conscious reflection”. We use language to speak about the way we experience the world around and inside us and by doing so we tend to focus on what we do and what happens more than other aspects of this experience such as abstract relations and thoughts. In this sense, this paper is a conscious effort to avoid “material processes” and the type of environment in which they occur. This paper will instead investigate quoting and reporting as two of the activities we engage in and their manifestation in the grammar. As this type of realization typically occurs at clause complex level, this article will first look at the system of logico-semantic relations to highlight the differences between projection and expansion which are the two main relation types in this system. Then it will focus on mental and verbal projection to compare both as they are the two main projection – quoting and reporting – forms. Once this is done, this article will look at projection markers and the projection of propositions and proposals. Finally, it will look into the manifestations of projection in a range of semantic and lexicogrammatical environments. These different manifestations will help shed the light on the pervasiveness of this type of realization and depict it as a fractal motif that reveals itself throughout the content stratum. The article will start with an overall view of transitivity studies and how these have evolved to set this article within a proper SFG theoretical frame.

2 Background: transitivity studies

According to Halliday and Matthiessen (2004) we use language to reflect on and interact with the world around us. We are exposed to a multitude of events and when we use language we “chunk” these events into clauses. The clause is as such an attempt to impose our own rationale on what goes on around us that is on the infinite events which form our experience and which constitute an infinite “quanta of change”. The clause construes each of these quanta as a figure. A figure is a configuration of a process, participants involved in that process and circumstances. The grammatical system that construes our experience into a set of processes is called transitivity. “The transitivity system construes the world of experience into a manageable set of process types. Each process type provides its own model or schema for construing a particular domain of experience” (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 170). There are three broad process types, which are doing (physical world), sensing (world of consciousness), and being (word of abstract relations). From a paradigmatic angle, there is a set of entry conditions within each process type that vary in delicacy depending on which end of the system one is looking. These transitivity configurations manifest different intrinsic degrees of interconnectivity between the different elements of the same figure. For instance, some process types are more likely to require a more specific type of circumstance than others while some elements within the figure are more nuclear than others. The process is the most central element in the configuration that makes up a figure in spite of its transient nature. “The participants are close to the centre. They are directly involved in the process” (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 176). The circumstances are the least nuclear, they expand the nucleus of the figure, but their “status in the configuration is more peripheral and unlike the participants, they are not directly involved in the process” (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 176). This should draw attention to two systems at work at clause level and these are nuclear and circumstantial transitivity. Nuclear transitivity consists of process type and agency whereas circumstantial transitivity consists of systems determining the presence and nature of circumstances and expanding the nucleus of the clause (Teruya 1998).

As mentioned, the majority of earlier transitivity studies focused on a particular set of processes i.e. material processes which are the most accessible to our conscious reflection (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004). Concerning the Arab tradition, the terminology used to describe the main participants in (VS) clauses, e.g. fāʿil (‘doer’) and mafʿūl bihi (‘done to/with’) gives to some extent a sense of this. However, the Arab tradition was different to its western counterpart. The variety in perspectives available now in Linguistics, especially with the advent of SFG, strongly highlights the need to revisit the now centuries old work of Arab grammarians and its reassessment. Since the tradition is diverse and unique in the way it evolved, it has been open to a variety of single dimensional interpretations especially from the beginning of the twentieth century and because of these formal interpretations we have not come to fully appreciate what the Arab tradition has to offer. In fact, there is more reason to believe that since Arab grammarians started working on text from the beginning, the outcome of their work was an interesting mixture of perspectives that thoroughly covered how Arabic construes meaning in context as well as decontextulized structures. In other words, the terminology mentioned above and the description of participants’ roles is just one minor aspect and there are many others that provide enough motivation as to why such work deserves to be revisited. One of those is about how Arab grammarians divided bi-transitive verbs into three groups, which they labeled afʿāl alqulūb (‘heart processes’), afʿāl attaḥwīl (‘transformation processes’), and afʿāl alǧazāʾ (‘reward processes’).

  1. afʿāl alqulūb (‘heart processes’). These processes are fourteen in total, and are also known as ẓanna wa aẖawātuhā (‘ẓanna and its sisters’). They are called heart processes because semantically they express doubt and certainty which are thought to stem from the heart (Al-Shartuni 1989), others say they are called so because they express what is inside us afʿāl bāṭina (‘inner verbs’). They are generally divided into two major groups those that express certainty and those that express likelihood (Dahmani 2002). The ones that express likelihood and doubt are: ẓanna (‘to suspect’), ẖāla (‘to imagine/to be under the impression’), and ḥasiba (‘to be under the impression’), all of these verbs can also be translated to ‘to think’. Zaʿama (‘to pretend’), ǧaʿala (‘to make/to render’), ʿadda (‘to consider/treat someone or something as’), ḥaǧā (‘to consider’), and hab (‘to assume/take for granted’). The other ones which express certainty are raʾā (‘to see/to decide’), ʿalima (‘to be informed’), waǧada (‘to find’), ʾalfā (‘to find’), darā (‘to come to know’), and taʿallam (‘to learn’). All the verbs are in the infinitive form except hab and taʿallam which are in the imperative. Some of these processes are treated as mental processes of perception and of cognition in SFG.

  2. afʿāl attaḥwīl (‘transformational processes’). These processes are similar to relational causative processes in SFG, with an Assigner/Attributor who brings about the transformation. They are overall about eight or nine: ǧaʿala (‘to make/to render’), radda (‘to transform something for a state to another’), taraka (‘to leave something [in a state of]’), ġādara (‘to leave’), ʾittaẖaḏa (‘to take as’), ṣayyara (‘to transform something for a state to another’), ḥawwala (‘to transform something for a state to another’), and wahaba (‘to gift’) (Al-Shartuni 1989; Dahmani n.d.). The last verb is more of a reward than transformation process. They are called transformational because they express a change in the state of the participant.

  3. afʿāl alǧazāʾ (‘reward/giving processes’). These bi-transitive processes are said to ‘govern’ objects which are not a mubtadāʾ (‘Topic/Theme’) and a ẖabar (‘Comment/Rheme’). There are hundreds of them. Al-Shartuni (1989: 244) argues that the most commonly used are kasā (‘to dress’), razaqa (‘to bestow upon someone the means of subsistence’), ʾaṭʿama (‘to feed’), saqā (‘to give someone to drink’), zawwada (‘to supply’), ʾaskana (‘to lodge’), and ʾaʿṭā (‘to give’). In SFG, these are typically material processes that involve a beneficiary. They are not projecting in the same way verbal and mental processes do.

Though the verbal group taxonomy above is not exhaustive and does not do justice to the work of Arab grammarians on transitivity, it shows to some extent an overlap between constructions discussed under the headings of “complementation” and what is considered as projection in SFG. It also shows how projection in the Hallidayan sense will add a new perspective to the Arab tradition’s repertoire of methods used in studying the verbal group especially that almost all descriptions of Arabic have added nothing new and just kept recycling the work of medieval Arab grammarians (cf. Cantarino 1974; Carter et al. 2004; Holes 2004; Ryding 2005; Saad 1982; Wright 1859).

3 Halliday’s notion of projection

Projection as a notion was introduced by Halliday to systematize the account of quoting and reporting of speech and thought both in direct and indirect forms. It is one of the two primary logico-semantic relation types identified by Halliday, the other is “expansion”. Both are used to combine clauses into clause complexes. Halliday and Matthiessen (2004: 377) define both as follows: “[in] Expansion: the secondary clause expands the primary clause, by (a) elaborating it, (b) expanding it or (c) enhancing it. [in] Projection: the secondary clause is projected through the primary clause, which instates it as (a) a locution or (b) an idea”.

Both [projection and expansion] intersect with the system of TAXIS where clauses of equal (paratactic) as well as of unequal (hypotactic) status combine. In case of expansion, clauses are considered to be of the same order of experience. The relation in the clause nexus could be either elaborating, extanding or enhancing. Each of these types of relation can be further divided into subtypes. However, going into details about this is beyond the scope of this article. Examples (1) and (2) are random samples of one subtype per main expansion relation.

3.1 Paratactic elaboration exposition

(1)
[1] ẓalla raǧabun fī ġurfatihi, 1
remain-3msg:pfv rajab.nom in room-fsg-his.poss.gen
Process: relational Carrier Attribute
‘Rajab stayed in his room,
(…)
[=2] lam yuġādirhā ʾillā qalīlan.
neg 3msg:juss-leave-her.obj. acc except indf.little-msg.acc
z Process: material (Actor) Range Manner
he left it only scarecely.’
(Munif 2001: 91)
  1. 1

    The Leipzig glossing rules (https://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php) are adapted to suit the characteristic of the Arabic language, which is a quite synthetic language. The first line of the transliteration is without hyphens as it is extremely hard at times to physically divide the word into clear cut separate morphemes.

In the paratactic elaboration exposition type (Example 1), the second clause restates the firsts in different words in order to reinforce it (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 397).

  1. Paratactic extension alternation

(2)
[1] ʾimmā ʾan tulqiyya
either that 2msg:sbjv-throw
z z Process: material (Actor)
‘Either throw first,
(…)
[+2] wa ʾimmā ʾan nakūna [ʾawwala
and either that 1pl:sbjv-be [indf.first-msg.acc
z z z Process: relational [(Carrier)
[man ʾalqā]].
[who throw-3msg:pfv]]
[Actor Process: material]]
[Attribute]
or let us be the first to throw.’
( The Noble Quran 20: 65 – Pickthall’s translation)

As to the paratactic extension alternation type (Example 2), one clause is presented as an alternative to the other (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 407).

  1. Paratactic enhancement temporal

(3)
[1] tawaqqafa qalīlan,
stop-3msg:pfv indf.little-msg.acc-adv
Process: material (Actor) Manner
‘He paused,
(…)
[x2] ṯumma tābaʿa biṣawtin munẖafiḍin.
then continue-3msg:pfv with-indf.voice-msg.gen indf.low-msg.gen
z Process: material (Actor) Manner
then he continued in a low voice.’
(Munif 2001: 194)

The paratactic enhancement type is coordinative with a circumstantial feature. The temporal subtype (Example 3) plays a role in construing an event time line. In all three examples above, the clauses are of equal status (i.e. independent). The examples below are construed by clauses of unequal status. They too can be either elaborating, extending or enhancing as in Examples (4), (5), and (6).

  1. Hypotctic elaboration

(4)
[α] ʾayyuhā ʾannāsu ʾuʿbudū Rabbakum
o you def-people.nom worship-imp:2mpl God-msg-your.poss.2mpl
z z Process: material Scope
‘O ye people! Adore your Guardian Lord,
(…)
|ʾallaḏī ẖalaqakum wa ʾallaḏīna min qablikum|
who.3msg create-3msg:pfv-you.obj.2mpl and who-3mpl from before-you.2mpl
Actor Process: material Goal z Carrier Attribute
Goal
who created you and those who came before you,
(…)
[=β] laʿallakum tattaqūna
may-be-you.2mpl 2mpl:ipfv-be.righteous.
z Senser Process: mental
that ye may have the chance to learn righteousness.’
(The Noble Quran 2: 21 – Yusuf Ali’s translation)

Hypotactic elaboration (Example 4) is realized by non-defining relative clauses which are descriptive clauses that add general information that can be omitted without affecting the general meaning (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 399).

  1. Hypotctic extension additive

(5)
[α] wa kāna kātiban balīġan
and be-3msg:pfv indf.writer-msg.acc indf.brilliant-msg.acc
z Process: relational (Carrier) Attribute
‘He was a brilliant writer
(…)
[+β] bilʾiḍāfaẗi ʾilā kawnihi šāʿiran farīdan…
in-def-addition.fsg.gen to being-nmlz-his.poss.gen in indf.poet-msg.acc indf.unique-msg.acc
z z Process: relational (Carrier) Attribute
in addition to being a unique poet…’
(Al-Hindaui 2013: 22)

Example (5) construes a non-finite hypotactic extending additive nexus. These nexuses are typically introduced by a prepositional group functioning as a conjunction similar to ‘besides’, ‘additionally’, ‘apart from’, ‘other than’, etc (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 409).

  1. Hypotactic enhancement

(6)
[α] taqaddamtu ʿalā ʾaṭrāfi ʾaṣābiʿī
advance-1sg:pfv on indf.tip-fpl.gen finger-fpl-my.poss.gen
Process: material (Actor) Manner
‘I tiptoed to the front
(…)
[xβ] likay yarānī.
so-that neg 3msg:ipfv-see-me.obj.gen
z z Process: mental (Senser) Phenomenon
so that he wouldn’t see me.’
(Munif 2001: 99)

The nexus type in Example (6) construes what is traditionally known as an adverbial relation of purpose. In general, this type construes relations of time, place, manner, cause and condition (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 416). Example (6) brings to an end the examples meant to illustrate some of the expansion relations construed by some clause nexuses in Arabic. The list is short and far from being exhaustive as the focus of this article is not on primary and secondary nexuses of expansion (cf. Bardi 2008 for more information) but rather on primary and secondary relations of projection.

In regards to projection, this relation type yields the distinction between direct speech or thought (parataxis) and indirect speech or thought (hypotaxis), as illustrated in Examples (7), (8), (9), and (10).

(7)
[1] faṣāḥa ʾaḥaduhum:
so-shout-3msg:pfv one.of-them.msg
z Process: verbal Sayer
‘So someone of them shouted:
(…)
[2”] “ʿud ʾilaynā marratan ʾuẖrā,…
“come.back-imp:3mpl to-us indf.one-fsg.acc indf.other-fsg.acc
Process: material (Actor) Beneficiary Manner
“come visit us again some other time,…”’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 175)
(8)
[α] ʾafāda nafsu ʾalmaṣdari
benefit-3msg:pfv indf.same-msg.nom def-source-msg.gen
Process: verbal Sayer
‘The same sources said
(…)
[β”] ʾanna haḏihi ʾalẖaliyyaẗa kānt tuẖaṭṭiṭu lilqiyāmi biʿamaliyyātin ʾirhābiyyatin.
that this-dem.fsg def-cell-fsg.acc be-3fsg:pfv 3fsg:ipfv-plan to-def-carrying.out with-indf.operation-fpl.gen indf.terror-fsg.gen
z Actor Process: material Range
that this cell was planning for some terrorist operations.’
(Al-Yahiyaui 2014)
(9)
[1] fakkartu,
think-1sg:pfv
Process: mental (Senser)
‘I thought
(…)
[2’] saʾuḥāwilu ʾan ʾuqniʿa ẖālī biqaḍāʾi ʿiddaẗiʾayyāmin maʿī…
1sg:fut-try that 1sg:sbjv-convince uncle-msg-my.poss.gen with-indf.spending-msg.nmlz.gen many indf.day-fpl.gen with-me
Process: mental (Initiator) Senser Matter
I would try to convince my uncle to spend a few days with me…’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 176)
(10)
[α] ʾaẓunnu
1sg-ipfv-suspect
Process: mental (Senser)
‘I think
(…)
  
[β’] ʾannī qultu laka miṯla haḏā ʾalqawla fī ʾalmaqhā.
that-1sg say-1sg:pfv to-you.3msg indf.like this-dem.msg def-saying-msg.acc in def-café-msg.acc
z Sayer Process: verbal Receiver Verbiage Location: place
I said something similar to you in the café.’
(Khal 2012: 166)

In Example (7), the relation between the first and the second clause is one of equality. They are both independent and paratactically combined. The process used in the initial projecting clause ṣāḥa (‘to shout’) is a verbal process that projects and at the same time construes the manner of the ‘saying’. The projected clause is a proposal, an invitation to someone to visit again. The writer uses a colon at the end of the projecting clause and quotation marks to differentiate between the projected and projecting parts of the nexus. Though this way of punctuating citations is quite common, it is important to mention that there is no standard punctuation practices in Arabic. Sometimes the writer would use quotation marks, others just a hyphen or a combination of both. In classical Arabic texts, for instance The Noble Quran, nothing is used to mark the boundary between what is projected and what is projecting. Interestingly, all the recently edited books of hadiths (the saying of the prophet peace be upon him) which appeared around the same time as The Noble Quran are punctuated.

In Example (8), the relation between the clauses in the nexus is not equal, the imbalance and the boundary between the clauses is marked by the particle ʾanna. In this hypotactic nexus, case marking, more precisely ʾism ʾanna which is typically manṣūb ‘in the accusative’ is often a mark of a projected clause (see Section 4.1.2).

Examples (9) and (10) are mental clauses. The relation within the nexus in Example (9) is paratactic whereas in Example (10) it is hypotactic. The projected part in the nexus represents a “semiotic event”. The content of projection, either locutions or ideas is of a higher order of reality than the projecting part. This is reflected in the conventions of comics as illustrated in Matthiessen and Teruya (2014: 6). Projection can thus be realized by a combination of clauses: a clause of saying or thinking projecting a locution (speech) or idea (thought) into existence. Projection may also be realized by a prepositional or adverbial phrase representing the angle of projection in a ‘rankshifted’ way within a single clause as illustrated in Example (11).

(11)
ḥasaba maṣādira -mawṯūqaẗin- liـ“ʾaššurūqi”: “ʾannahḍa” tadʿamu ʾassibsī.
according indf.source-fpl.acc indf.trusted-fsg.gen to-“alshuruq-gen “alnahdha-nom 3fsg:ipfv-support alsibsi-gen.
Angle: viewpoint Actor Process: material Recipient
‘According to some ‘Al-Shuruq’ reliable sources: ‘Annahdha’ supports Al-Sibsi.’
(Al-Ajrudi 2014)

The logical construal of projection at paratactic and hypotactic levels was discussed under different headings such as direct and indirect speech. It has also been discussed under the headings of “complementation”, especially at clause simplex level when what is being said is construed as ‘verbiage’. Examples (12) and (13) are an illustration of the latter whereas Examples (14) and (15) are an illustration of the former.

(12)
qālat ʾummī haḏihi ʾalkalimāti ʿašarāta ʾalmarrāti.
say-3fsg:pfv mum-fsg-my.poss.gen dem-this-fsg.gen def-word-fpl.gen indf.ten-fpl.gen def-time-fpl.gen
Process: verbal Sayer Verbiage Manner: frequency
‘My mum said these words tens of times.’
(Munif 2001: 86)
(13)
qāla kulla ʾaššatāʾimi [ʾallatī yaʿrifuhā].
say-3msg:pfv indf.all-msg.acc def-swearword-fpl.gen [which 3msg:ipfv-know-her.obj.acc]
Process: verbal (Sayer) Verbiage
‘He said all the swear words that he knew.’
(Munif 2001: 46)
(14)
[α] saʾalahu   [β”] ʾin kāna yantaẓiru ʾaḥadan.
ask-3msg:pfv-him.obj.nom if be-3msg:pfv 3msg:ipfv-wait indf.someone-msg.acc
Process: verbal (Sayer) Receiver z Proc. material Goal
‘He asked him whether he was waiting for someone.’
(Munif 2007: 161)
(15)
[1] qāla ḍāḥikan:    [2”] ʾalbāqī waǧhuhu.
say-3msg:pfv laughingly-adv def-rest-msg.gen face-msg-his.poss.nom
Process: verbal (Sayer) Manner Carrier Attribute
‘He said laughing: “All that remains is his face”’
(Khal 2012: 165)

Though in the examples above both mental and verbal projections are construed by typical mental and verbal processes, there are instances of semantic shift when both projection types overlap (cf. Section 4.1.1).

Finally, in addition to being of different order of experience, expansion and projection are different in terms of the order in which the primary (the main/projecting) and the secondary (the subordinate/projected) clause occur in the nexus. In hypotactic nexuses, the primary clause in projection typically occurs in initial position as in Examples (16) and (17) whereas in expansion the hypotactic nexus has more flexibility as to where it occurs as illustrated in Examples (18a) and (18b).

(16)
[α] ʾiqtaraḥa   [β”] ʾan yatazawwaǧā fī ʾalḥāli.
suggest-3msg:pfv that 3mdu:sbjv-marry in def-condition-msg.gen
Process: verbal (Sayer) z Process: material (Actor) Manner
‘He suggested that they should get married immediately.’
(Azzayyat 1989: 117)
(17)
[α] ʾataḏakkaru
neg 1sg:ipfv-remember
z Process: mental (Senser)
‘I don’t remember
(…)
[β’] ʾannī bakaytu hakaḏā fī ḥayātī kullihā.
that-I cry-1sg:pfv like-this in life-fsg-my.poss.gen all-her
z Behaver Process: behavioural Manner Temporal
that I have ever cried like that in my entire life.’
(Munif 2001: 75)
(18a)
[α] ʾadrakatnā ʾaššamsu
reach-1pl:pfv-us.obj.acc def-sun-fsg.nom
Process: material Goal Actor
‘The sun reached us,
(…)
  
[βx] ||qabla ʾan ʾadraknā ʾalqimmaẗa||.
before that reach-1pl:pfv def-summit-fsg.acc
z z Process: material (Actor) Goal
before we reached the summit.’
(Nuayma 2004:101)
(18b)
[βx] ||qabla ʾan ʾadraknā ʾalqimmaẗa||.
before that reach-1pl:pfv def-summit-fsg.acc
z z Process: material (Actor) Goal
‘Before we reached the summit,
(…)
[α] ʾadrakatnā ʾaššamsu.
reach-1pl:pfv-us.obj.acc def-sun-fsg.nom
Process: material Goal Actor
the sun reached us.’
(adapted from Nuayma [2004: 101])

As to paratactic projection nexuses, there is a flexible variation in the order of the projecting and projected clauses as illustrated by Examples (19), (20), and (21). The quoting clause could even be placed within the quote. However, this is less common in Arabic than it is in English and more frequent in translations into Arabic than in Arabic novels. This last comment is based on the analysis of the data for this paper, further investigation is needed to confirm these findings.

(19)
[2”] “…naḥnu naḥlamu! [1] qultu.
“…we 1pl:ipfv-dream” say-1sg:pfv
Senser Process: mental Process: verbal (Sayer)
‘“…we are dreaming!” I said.’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 342)
(20)
[1] wa qālat naǧwā:
– and say-3fsg:pfv najwa:
z Process: verbal Sayer
– ‘Najwa said:
(…)
  
[2”] hal ʾūṣiluka ʾilā ʾalbayti?
q.polar 1sg:ipfv-deliver-you.2msg.obj.acc to def-house-fsg.gen”
z Process: material (Actor) Benefeciary Spatial
‘Shall I take you home?’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 53)
(21)
[2’] naǧwā, ʾanti fatāẗu ṣaʿbaẗun, [1] ʾatadrīn?
najwa, you.3fsg indf.girl-fsg.nom indf-difficult-fsg.nom q.polar 2fsg:ipfv-know?
z Carrier Attribute Process mental (Senser)
Phenomenon
‘Najwa, you are one tough girl, you know?’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 194)

Arab grammarians mostly discussed projection under the heading of “complementation” in spite of the fact that they developed a delicate verbal group taxonomy (cf. Section 2 above). So far this article has discussed not only Halliday’s notion of projection (mental and verbal) but also that of expansion (elaboration, extension, and enhancement). This was done without major analysis though. In the following section, there will be more focus on only one logico-semantic relation which is projection (for more information about expansion cf. Bardi [2008]).

4 The grammar of projection in Arabic

Halliday and Matthiessen (2004: 443) identify three systemic variables that define and differentiate between any types of projection. These consist of three different projection systems which are (i) the level of projection which is about the distinction between mental and verbal projection and whether what is projected is a locution (verbal) or an idea (mental). (ii) The mode of projection: this is about tactic interdependency relations and whether what is projected is a quote (paratactic) or a report (hypotactic) and (iii) the speech function of projection: this is where projection interacts with the system of mood. It is about projecting propositions and proposals. In fact, not only statements and questions (propositions) can be projected but also offers and commands (proposals).

4.1 The level and mode of projection

There are two types of projection: projection of wording (locution) and projection of meaning (idea). The level of projection and the mode intersect resulting in four subtypes. This basically means that projection could be realized as a quote or a report as illustrated in Figure 1 below. The distinction between quotes and reports has often been referred to in traditional grammar in terms of the contrast between direct and indirect speeches. In SFG, this contrast is extended to cover direct thoughts (quote) and indirect thoughts (report) as well.

Figure 1: 
The level and mode of projection.
Figure 1:

The level and mode of projection.

4.1.1 Quotes and reports across process type, rankscale and beyond

Mental processes project ideas whereas verbal ones project locutions. Both display a variety of tendencies in terms of projection. Generally, mental processes project less readily than verbal ones and this is true to varying degrees across mental process subtypes. In fact, while mental processes project mostly hypotactically or by “circumstancializing” Phenomena (cf. Bardi 2008), verbal processes project not only hypotactically and at clause simplex level like mental processes but they also do so paratactically. The examples below are samples of mental processes’ projection potential; they cover all types – cognitive, perceptive, desiderative, and emotive. They also cover the ways these processes tend to project in terms of taxis. They are supposed to be opposed to the examples of verbal processes listed further below.

  1. Cognitive

(22)
[α] ẓanantu [β’] ʾanna ʾaddumūʿa satanfaǧiru min ʿaynayhi.
think-1sg:pfv that def-tear-fpl.acc 3fsg:fut-explode from eye-fdu-his.poss.gen
Process: mental (Senser) z Actor Process: material Spatial
‘I thought that he would explode crying.’
(Munif 2001: 69–70)
(23)
[α] wa ʾaẓunnu [β’] ʾassāʿaẗa qāʾimaẗan
and neg 1sg:ipfv-suspect def-hour- fsg.acc indf.standing-fsg.acc
z z Process: mental (Senser) Carrier Attribute
‘Nor do I deem that the Hour (of Judgment) will (ever) come, …’
(The Noble Quran 18: 36 – Yusuf Ali’s translation)
(24)
[1] fakkartu, [2’] hal ǧunna ʾalqamaru ʾayḍan?
think-1sg:pfv q.polar become-insane-3msg:pfv def-moon-msg.nom too
Process: mental (Senser) z Process: mental (Senser) z
‘I thought, has the moon become insane too?’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 374)
  1. Perceptive

(25)
[α] raʾaytu waǧhahā
see-1sg:pfv def-face-msg-her.poss.acc
Process: mental (Senser) Phenomenon
‘I saw her face
(…)
  
[β’] yafīḍu bilḥiqdi wa ʾalʿaḏābi maʿan.
3msg:ipfv-overflow with-def-hatred-msg.gen and def-anguish-msg.gen together
Process: material Matter
fill up with hatred and torment all at once.’
(Munif 2001: 150)
  1. Desiderative

(26)
[α] tamannaytu [β’] ʾan ʾaqraʾa šayʾan.
wish-1sg:pfv that 1sg:sbjv-read indf.thing-msg.acc
Process: mental (Senser) z Process: material (Actor) Goal
‘I wished I could read something.’
(Munif 2001: 176)
  1. Emotive

(27)
[α] ʾašʿuru [β’] ʾannī faqadtu ālqudraẗa ʿalā ālkitābaẗi.
1sg:ipfv-feel that-I lose-1sg:pfv def-ability-fsg.acc on def-writing-fsg.gen
Process: mental (Senser) z Carrier Process: relational Attribute
‘I feel that I lost the ability to write.’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 29)
(28)
šaʿurtu biʾalami raʾsī yazdādu.
feel-1sg:pfv with-indf.pain-msg.gen head-msg-my.poss.gen 3msg:ipfv-increase
Process: mental (Senser) Matter
‘I felt the pain in my head grow.’
(Munif 2001: 123)

The examples above showcase the ability of mental processes to project. The first set is cognitive, there are a few markers in the projected clause that show that the status within the nexus is not equal. In Example (22), it is ʾanna which is a particle used to link clauses together. In Example (23), it is case marking, i.e. the accusative. In fact, at clause level it is the nominative that normally construes main participants’ roles in the clause, whereas the accusative construes a second tier of participants’ roles. The projected clause in Example (23) which is known in the Arab tradition as a ‘nominal clause’ would be in the nominative if it was freestanding. The fact that it is in the accusative clearly marks a shift in status from being independent to being dependent. Finally, Example (24) which is construed by fakkara (‘to think’) is one of the quite few examples which was found in the data analysed for this paper. This on the one hand proves that mental processes can project paratactically too, their scarcity on the other hand is also proof that mental processes are not typically used to projecting in this way. The projected clause is a polar interrogative question. The question mark at the end of the projected clause and the comma separating the projecting from the projected part are proof that both the projecting and the projected clauses have equal status.

Example (25) is perceptive. The unequal status within the nexus is signaled yet again by case marking, i.e. the nominal group at the beginning of the projected clause is in the accusative. Though the verbal group is in ʾalmuḍāraʿ ʾalmarfūʿ (‘the imperfective’), it has a limited temporal value. It construes an action in a state of unfolding in a hypotactic ‘circumstantial’ clause of manner. This nexus type in particular exhibits a wide variety of projection patterns. Some of them are quite complex in the way they construe the temporal value of the verbal group as in Example (29).

(29)
[α] raʾaytu šuʿāʿan mina ʾalqamari
see-1sg:pfv indf.ray-msg.acc of def-moon-msg.gen
Process: mental (Senser) Actor
‘I saw another moonlight ray
(…)
  
[β’] qad saqaṭa ʾayḍan ʿalā waǧhin ʾāẖarin.
operator fall-3msg:pfv too on indf.face-msg.gen indf.other-msg.gen
Process: material z Range
that had already lit another face.’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 374)

Examples (26) and (27) which respectively construe desiderative and emotive clause types are quite straightforward. They both construe a phenomenon at a clause complex level. The unequal status in each nexus is clearly marked by the use of ʾan and ʾanna. In Example (28) though, it is a circumstance Matter which is construed not a Phenomenon, and this is clear through the use of bi ‘with’ which is a preposition. The example is picked to show that circumstances can be quite complex too.

To conclude, it is clear from the examples above that mental clauses typically construe projection at clause complex level. Though the mental nexus is quite rich in variety, it typically realizes projection at hypotactic level. Based on a study of the paradigmatic potential of tens of mental processes (cf. Bardi 2008), almost all are more inclined to be used with ʾan, ʾanna, or fī ʾan, that is why it comes as no surprise that paratactic projection is quite scarce in the primary data that have been analysed for this article. More interestingly, the analysis of some examples has shown that paratactic mental projection of the cognitive type is often realized by qāla (‘say’) or even saʾala (‘ask’) which are verbal processes and a reflexive pronoun fī nafsihi (‘he said [to/in] himself/he asked himself’), instead of a typical mental process such as fakkara or ẓanna as in the Examples (30)–(33).

(30)
[1] qultu fī nafsī
say-1sg:pfv in self-fsg-my.poss.gen
Process: mental (Senser)
‘I said to myself
(…)
  
[2”] raǧabun yuʿarriḍu nafsahu limuẖāṭaraẗin ǧadīdaẗin.
rajab.nom 3msg:ipfv-expose self-fsg-his.poss.nom to-indf.danger-fsg.gen indf.new-fsg.gen
Actor Process: material Goal Range
Rajab is exposing himself to a new danger.’
(Munif 2001: 95)
(31)
[1] qultu linafsī:
say-1sg:pfv to-self-fsg-my.poss.gen:
Process: mental (Senser)
‘I said to myself:
(…)
  
[2”] “haḏihi ʾalqāʾimaẗu liḥayawānin mudallalin…”
this-fsg.dem def-list-fsg.gen to-indf.animal-msg.gen indf.spoiled-msg.gen…”
Carrier Attribute
“This list is for a spoiled pet…”’
(Munif 2001: 39)
(32)
[1] saʾaltu nafsī:
ask-1sg:pfv self-fsg-my.poss.gen:
Process: mental (Senser)
‘I asked myself:
(…)
[2”] hal yumkinu lilʾinsāni ʾan yašẖura biʾirādatihi,…?”
“q.polar 3msg:ipfv-be.possible to-def-human-msg.gen that 3msg:sbjv-snore with-will-fsg-his.poss.gen
z Behaver z Manner
Process: behavioural
“is it really possible for a person to snore voluntarily,…?”’
(Munif 2001: 52)
(33)
[1] qālat tuẖāṭibu nafsahā:
say-3fsg:pfv 3fsg:ipfv-address self-fsg-her.poss.acc
Process: mental (Senser)
‘She said talking to herself:
(…)
  
[2”] - sataẖribu baytaka biyadika!
3fsg:fut-destroy house-fsg.your.poss.2msg.acc with-hand-fsg-your.poss.2msg.acc !
Process: material (Actor) Goal Means
– You’ll destroy your home with your own hands!’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 38)

The mental projecting clause can be construed not only by qāla (‘say’) but also saʾala (‘ask’) depending on whether the projected clause is a statement or a question as in Examples (30) and (32). A preposition (Examples 30 and 31) or even a process construing a minor clause of manner and a reflexive pronoun (Example 33) may also accompany the projecting verb. The most typical prepositions are (‘in’) or li (‘to’). The preposition refers to ‘inside the psyche’, whereas li in general means ‘to oneself’ which could be either silently or loudly. The minor clause in Example (33) which also has a nominalized version literally means that the person is talking to themselves ‘not thinking’. The non-finite nominalized version is muẖāṭiban (‘addressing’) i.e. qultu muẖāṭiban nafsī or any variety of it in the imperfective as in qultu ʾuẖāṭibu nafsī (‘I said [while] I talk to myself’). The prepositions and the minor clause construing manner are the variable that decide about whether the experience is verbal or mental.

Finally, Arabic may use what is typically considered as a mental process to construe a verbal projection. In fact, mental processes such as ‘notice’ and ‘observe’ are often used to construe verbal projection. In Example (34) below the causative mental process ʾafhama ‘make someone understand’ construes a verbal action. Interestingly when it does so the projection is typically hypotactic.

(34)
[α] ḥāwaltu ʾan ʾufhimahu
try-1sg:pfv that 1sg:sbjv-make.understand-him.obj.nom
Process: mental (Inducer) (Senser)
‘I tried to make him understand
(…)
  
[β’] ʾannī lastu fī ḥāǧaẗin ʾilā šayʾin…
that-I neg.cop-1sg in indf.need-fsg.gen to indf.thing-msg.gen
z Carrier Process: relational Attribute
that I was not in need of anything.’
(Attaher 1951: 651)

Arabic construes quotes and reports at clause complex level. While verbal processes project more easily than mental processes, they both share markers that occur at the projection nexus juncture. These markers often signal the difference between hypotactic and paratactic projection. This is what the next section will be focusing on.

4.1.2 Projection markers

Projection is associated with a definite set of markers/particles. These markers are ʾanna, ʾan, ʾinna, and ʾin. The first three signal that the status within the projection nexus is unequal. Most importantly, some of them are more likely to be used in construing propositions, while others are more likely to be used in construing proposoals. The sub-sections below provide a comprehensive description of what each is capable of doing.

4.1.2.1 ʾinna’s role in construing quotes and reports

This section will focus on ʾinna’s role in construing quotes and reports, not on its potential in general. ʾinna has an emphatic rather than a subordinating role. It is listed as a projection marker because it occurs at the nexus juncture where the projecting and the projected clauses meet. Additionally, it seems that recently some Arab writers have taken up the practice of using it in opposition to ʾanna to distinguish between quotes and reports in projecting nexuses construed by qāla as in (Examples 35 and 36a). There is much confusion in the literature about this point with some purists claiming that it is a mistake to use ʾanna after qāla, others trying to explain this point using some hollow structural reasoning that does not make much sense and many more are making unsubstantiated claims that seem to contradict what is in widespread practices in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). This issue definitely needs to be investigated much more.

(35)
[α] wa liʾawwali marraẗin yaqūlūna
and to- indf.first-msg.gen indf.time-fsg.gen 3mpl:ipfv-say
z Manner: frequency Process: verbal (Sayer)
‘And for the first time they say
(…)
  
[β”] ʾanna nisbaẗa ʾalmušārikīna fī ʾalʾintiẖābāti hiya 27%.
that indf.portion-fsg.acc def-participant-mpl.acc in def-election-fpl.gen she 27%
z Carrier z Attribute
that the percentage of the participants in the elections is 27%.’
(Saaduddine 2008: 30)
(36a)
[1] qāla [2”] ʾinna ʾAllaha mubtalīkum binaharin.
say-3msg:pfv indeed Allah indf.test-msg.nmlz-you-2mpl with-indf.river-msg.gen
Process: verbal (Sayer) z Inducer Process: mental (Senser) Matter
‘he said: Lo! Allah will try you by (the ordeal of) a river.’
(The Noble Quran 2:249 – Pickthall’s translation)
(36b)
[1] “qāla šihābun
say-3msg:pfv shihab.nom
Process: verbal (Sayer)
‘“Shihab said
(…)
   
[2”] ʾinna ʾummahu kānat ġaǧariyyaẗan.”
that mother-fsg.his.poss.nom be-3fsg:pfv indf.gypsy-fsg.acc
z Carrier Process: relational Attribute
that his mother was a gypsy.”’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 242)

As just mentioned, ʾinna is an emphatic more than a subordinating marker. As the relation in the nexus in which it occurs is typically paratactic, without clues from the context it is impossible to decide about the type of projection it constures; that is whether the projection is a quote or a report. In Example (36b) for instance, (cf. Arús-Hita et al. 2018), without a proper context it is not possible to tell whether the projected part is a quote or a report because it is not clear whether the Sayer is speaking about his mother or someone else’s, it is not clear either whether the mother is dead or alive or in what capacity the word ‘gypsy’ is used that is whether it refers to the origin of the mother or to some of her personality traits as discussed in the novel. All this information is necessary to assess the temporal value construed by the verbal group in the original citation which in turn is a decisive clue to decide whether this is a quote or a report. In the context of the novel, it is clear that this is a report but without context one needs more proof as ʾinna is not enough. Finally, ʾinna typically occurs in clauses construing propositions that is in statements in an exchange of goods-&-services but not in the realizations of questions or commands.

4.1.2.2 ʾanna’s role in construing quotes and reports

ʾanna cannot be used immediately preceding a verb, it is ‘typically’ followed by a noun in the accusative. If the noun is not in the accusative for some reasons, Arab grammarians will describe it as “a noun in an accusative position”. ʾanna cannot be used at the beginning of a projection nexus[2] but is typically located at the beginning of a projected clause as in Examples (37) and (38).

(37)
[α] wa ʾawḍaḥa
and clarify-3msg:pfv
z Process: verbal (Sayer)
‘And he added
(…)
  
[β”] ʾanna haḏihi ʾalǧamāʿāti lahā ẖuṭaṭun ʾistrātīǧiyyaẗun.
that this.dem.fsg def-group-fpl.gen to-her indf.plan-fpl.nom indf.strategic-fsg.nom
z Carrier Attribute
that these groups have strategic plans.’
(Al-Jazeera net 2015a: no page number)
(38)
[α] ʾaḥsastu [β’] ʾanna raǧaban ʾuhīna.
feel-1sg:pfv that rajab.acc humilate-1sg:pfv-pass
Process mental (Senser) z Goal Process material
‘I felt that Rajab was humiliated.’
(Munif 2001: 148)

It is more likely for this projection marker to occur in nexuses construed by mental or verbal processes other than qāla. As mentioned above with qāla, ʾinna is more commonly used except that this tendency could be currently changing in MSA (cf. Example 35). This projection marker does also occur in nexuses construing propositions rather than proposals, that is in an exchange of information rather than in an exchange of goods-&-services.

4.1.2.3 ʾan’s role in construing quotes and reports

ʾan usually introduces a clause which starts with a verb that is a VSO clause with the verb immediately following it. As per the opinion of some grammarians, like ʾanna, it cannot be used at the beginning of a projection nexus either. While in mental nexuses (Example 39) it typically construes propositions, in verbal ones it is more likely to construe proposals as in Examples (40), (41), (42), and (43).

(39)
[α] raǧabun yuḥibbu [β’] ʾan yamtaḥina ǧasadahu.
rajab neg 3msg:ipfv-love that 3msg:sbjv-test body- msg.his.poss.nom
Senser z Process mental z Process material (Actor) Goal
‘Rajab does not like to test his body.’
(Munif 2001: 94)
(40)
[α] ʾinna ʾAllaha yaʾmurukum
indeed Allah 3msg:ipfv-command-you.obj.2mpl
z Sayer Process verbal
‘Lo! Allah commandeth you
(…)
  
[β”] ʾan tuʾaddū ʾalʾamānāti ʾilā ʾahlihā.
that 2mpl:sbjv-render def-trust-fpl.gen to people-mpl-her.poss.acc
z Process material (Actor) Goal Beneficiary
that ye restore deposits to their owners.’
(The Noble Quran 4:58 – Pickthall’s translation)
(41)
[α] naṣaḥtuhu
advise-1sg:pfv-him.obj.nom
Process: verbal (Sayer) Receiver
‘I advised him
(…)
  
[β”] ʾan yasʾala ʾaḥada ʾalʿāmilīna fī ʾalʾintāǧi.
that 3msg:sbjv-ask indf.one-msg.acc def-worker-mpl.acc in def-production-msg.gen
z Process: verbal (Sayer) Receiver
I advised him to ask one of the workers in production.’
(Zankana 1996: 81)
(42)
[α] qul liṣabā
say-imp:2msg to-saba
Process: verbal (Sayer) Receiver
‘Tell Saba
  
(…)
[β”] ʾan taʾtī liʿammatihā bisurʿaẗin.
that 3fsg:sbjv-come to-aunt-fsg-her.poss.acc with-indf.speed-fsg.gen
z Process: material (Actor) Beneficiary Manner
to come see her aunt quickly.’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 105)
(43)
[α] wa nādā ʾaṣḥābu ʾannāri ʾaṣḥāba ʾalǧannaẗi
and call-3msg:pfv indf.owner-mpl.nom def-fire-fsg.gen indf.owner-mpl.nom def-heaven-fsg.gen
z Process: verbal Sayer Reciever
‘And the dwellers of the Fire cry out unto the dwellers of the Garden:
(…)
  
[β”] ʾan ʾafīḍū ʿalaynā mina ʾalmāʾi.
that 2mpl:sbjv-overflow on.us def-water-msg.gen
z Process: material (Actor) Benefeciary Range
Pour on us some water…’
(The Noble Quran 7:50 – Pickthall’s translation)

The examples above aim to give an idea about this particle’s projection potential. Though it is more typically used in construing proposals, it can also be used in construing propositions.

4.1.2.4 ʾin’s role in constring quotes and reports

ʾin is similar to “if/whether” in English. Like ʾan, it is typically followed by a clause which starts with a verb (i.e. a VSO clause) and it immediately precedes that verb. Unlike ʾanna and ʾan, however, it can be used at the beginning of a nexus. When it is used in the projection of a statement, the relation within the nexus is paratactic that is it construes a projected conditional clause complex, as in Example (44) and when it is used in projecting a polar interrogative, the projection is hypotactic as in Example (45).

(44)
[1] wa ʾanā ʾaqūlu linafsī:
and I 3msg:ipfv-say to-self-fsg.my.poss.gen
z Senser Process mental
‘While I keep telling myself:
(…)
  
[2”] ʾin kāna haḏā ḥulman falyaṭul!
[α] if be-3msg:pfv this.dem.msg indf.dream.msg.acc [βx] so-let.last-3msg:juss!
z Process relational (Carrier) Attribute Process material (Actor)
If this was a dream let it last!’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 202)
(45)
[α] wa saʾaltuhā
and ask-1sg:pfv-her.obj.acc
z Process: verbal (Sayer) Receiver
‘And I asked her
(…)
  
[β”] ʾin kānat tarġabu fī kaʾsin.
if be-3fsg:pfv 3fsg:ipfv-wish in indf.glass.msg.gen
z Process mental Matter
if she wanted a drink.’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 367)

4.2 Projection and speech functions (projecting propositions and proposals)

Arabic can project all speech functions that is the projected clause can construe either a statement, a question, an offer or a command. Although it is technically possible for mental processes to project both propositions and proposals paratactically and hypotactically as in Examples (46) and (47) below, hypotactic projection of propositions that is of statements and questions were found in numbers that are much higher in the data that has been analyzed.

(46)
[1] fakkartu   [2’] hal ǧunna ʾalqamaru ʾayḍan…?
think-1sg:pfv q.polar go.mad-3msg:pfv def-moon-msg.nom too.adv
Process mental (Senser) z Process material Actor z
‘I thought, has the moon gone mad too…?’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 374)
(47)
[α] faʾawḥaynā ʾilā Mūsā
so-inspire-1pl:pfv to Musa
z Process: mental (Inducer) Senser
‘Then We told Moses by inspiration:
(…)
  
[β’] ʾan ʾiḍrib biʿaṣāka ʾalbaḥra.
that hit-imp:2msg with-stick-fsg.your.poss.2msg.acc def-sea-msg.acc
z Process material (Actor) Manner means Goal
“Strike the sea with thy rod.”’
(The Noble Quran 26: 63 – Yusuf Ali’s translation)

Projected proposals in mental nexuses are most commonly construed hypotactically by desiderative processes as in Example (48) below.

(48)
[α] nurīdu [β’] ʾan nabdaʾa bidāyaẗan ǧadīdaẗan.
1pl:ipfv-want that 1pl:sbjv-start indf.start-fsg.acc indf.new-fsg.acc
Process mental (Senser) z Process material (Actor) Goal
‘We want to start afresh.’
(Munif 2001: 40)

Verbal processes on the other hand readily project propositions and proposals paratactically as in the examples below which respectively illustrate how Arabic projects a statement (Example 49), elemental (Example 50), and polar interrogative questions (Example 51), a command (Example 52), suggestion (Example 53), and an offer (Example 54).

  1. Statement

(49)
[1] qālat: [2”] “ʾismī naǧwā.”
say-3fsg:pfv : name-msg.my.gen najwa.acc”
Process verbal (Sayer) Token Value
‘She said: “My name is Najwa.”’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 244)

  1. Elemental interrogative

(50)
[1] yasʾalu [2”] ʾayyāna yawmu ʾalqiyāmaẗi.
3msg:ipfv-ask when indf.day-msg.nom def-resurrection.fsg.gen
Process: verbal (Sayer) Attribute Carrier
‘He asketh: When will be this Day of Resurrection?’
(The Noble Quran 75:6 – Pickthall’s translation)

  1. Polar interrogative

(51)
[1] qāla
say-3msg:pfv
Process: verbal (Sayer)
‘He said:
(…)
  
[2”] ʾarāġibun ʾanta ʿan ʾālihatī yāʾIbrāhīmu.
q.polar rejecting-msg.adj.nom you about goddess-fsg-my.poss.gen o Abraham
z Attrib- Carrier -ute z
“Rejectest thou my gods, O Abraham?”’
(The Noble Quran 19:46 – Pickthall’s translation)

  1. Negative command

(52)
[1] qultu laka, [2”] tafʿal šayʾan…
say-1sg:pfv to-you neg 2msg:juss-do indf.thing-msg.acc
Process verbal (Sayer) Receiver z Process material (Actor) Goal
‘I told you not to do anything…’
(Khal 2012: 196)

  1. An offer

(53)
[1] qālat
say-3fsg:pfv
Process verbal (Sayer)
‘“so she said:
(…)
  
[2”] hal ʾadullukum ʿalā ʾahli baytin…
q.polar 1sg:ipfv-guide-you.obj.2mpl on indf.people-msg.gen indf.house-msg.gen
z Process material (Actor) Benefeciary Goal
Shall I show you a household …?”’
(The Noble Quran 28:12 – Pickthall’s translation)

  1. A suggestion

(54)
[1] qāla lī:
say-3msg:pfv to-me:
Process verbal (Sayer) Receiver
‘He said to me:
(…)
  
[2”] linadaʿ ʾalbaḥṯa lilbāḥiṯīna
negotiator-1pl:juss-leave def-research-msg.acc to-def-researcher-mpl.acc
Process material (Actor) Goal Beneficiary
– Let’s leave research to the researchers.’
(Mahfudh 1993: 163)

As these projected clauses are a word for word rendering of the original utterance, there are no changes in terms of personal, spatial or temporal deixis. But there often are changes in intonation patterns.[3] Actually when qāla is used as a projecting verb, the person who is conveying the utterance has two options. First, to relay what is said with no changes in tone or any other deictic elements that is to ‘mimic’ what the speaker said. In this case, the projection is fully paratactic (cf. Section 5.1 below for more information). Second, to relay what is said with no changes in personal, spatial or temporal deixis but to alter the intonation patterns. Unlike English which relies on the placement of the Subject and Finite to tell the difference between statements and questions, Arabic relies mainly on prosody. As the projected clause is independent in terms of construing meaning it is ‘deceptively’ paratactic because of this shift in prosody. Both elemental and polar interrogatives share the same features in paratactic projection that is they typically keep personal, spatial or temporal deixis and alter the intonation patterns. Both question types have their own question words. However, while elemental questions have a more varied range that depends on what the speaker is asking about, hal and ʾa are the most typical polar interrogative particles.

The verb in the projecting clause can be either in the perfective (49) or the imperfective (50). This happens in both paratactic and hypotactic projections i.e. reports and quotes. Projecting verbal groups in the perfective normally suggest that there is a difference between the time the report or the quote is actually said and the moment it is relayed even if that is quite insignificant whereas projecting verbal groups in the imperfective suggest that the quoting or the reporting is simultaneous or sometimes that it is repetitive, i.e. the speaker frequently says or asks about the same thing. Projecting propositions and proposals paratactically may also sometimes be construed by a behavioral process ‘pressed into verbal services’ to borrow an expression from Matthiesen and Teruya (2014) as in Example (55).

  1. A command

(55)
[1] ṣaraẖa fī waǧhī biʾinfiʿālin:
scream-3msg:pfv in face-msg-my.poss.gen with-temper-msg.gen:
Process verbal (Sayer) Receiver Manner
‘He shouted to my face all shaken:
(…)
  
[2”] ʾiḏhab min waǧhī!
go-imp:2msg from face-msg-my.poss.gen!
Process material (Actor) Range
Go away!’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 38)

The way Arabic verbally reports propositions (i.e. statements, polar, and elemental interrogatives) and proposals (i.e. orders and suggestions) is more interesting as Arabic has a wider range of hypotactic strategies to choose from in construing these reports and this is what the next 3 sub-sections are about.

4.2.1 Reporting statements

There is a range of verbal processes one can choose from to introduce a report. The most generic process is qāla, it can be used to report a proposition or a proposal without depicting much else in regards to manner, attitude, etc.

The other options available to construe reports verbally vary extensively in Arabic. Some processes can be perceived as either objective or subjective as illustrated by Examples (56) and (57).

  1. Subjective report

(56)
[α] ʾiddaʿā [β”] ʾannahu raʾā ḥulman.
claim-3msg:pfv that-he see-3msg:pfv indf.dream-msg.acc
Process verbal (Sayer) z Senser Process mental phenomenon
‘He claimed that he saw a dream.’
(Al-Bukhari 846: 3115)

  1. Subjective report

(57)
[α] ʾafāda muḥammad bin ʾaḥmad
/state-3msg:pfv muhammad bin ahmad
Process: verbal Sayer
‘Mohammed Bin Ahmed stated
(…)
  
[β”] ʾanna ʾalmarḥalaẗa ʾalṯāniyyẗa ʾaḍāfat kīlūmitran wāḥidān
that def-stage-fsg.acc def-second-fsg.acc add-3fsg:pfv indf.kilometer-msg.acc indf.one-msg.acc
z Actor Process material Goal
lilmamšā ʾalḥālī.
to-def-footpath-msg.acc def-current-msg.gen
Beneficiary
That the second stage has added one kilometer to the current footpath.’
(Al-Ayyam Newspaper 2018)

Both examples above are subjective. Example (56) is quite negative as it suggests that the person who is relaying the utterance does not have much trust in its authenticity whereas Example (57) is quite positive as it suggests that what is being reported is of some benefits to the receiver (cf. Table 1 below for more options).

Table 1:

Processes that construe verbal projection.

Processes construing speech functions Behavioral processes pressed into verbal services Objective/neutral/processes Subjective processes positive vs. negative Processes construing type/manner of projection
ṭalaba (‘to ask for’), saʾala (‘to ask’), ʾamara (‘to order’), daʿā (‘to invite’), ṭālaba (‘to demand’), ḥaṯṯa (‘to urge’), nāšada (‘to appeal’), ʾiqtaraḥa (‘to suggest’), ʿaraḍa (‘to display/suggest’), rafaḍa (‘to refuse’). ḍaḥika (‘to laugh’), ṣaraẖa (‘to scream’), qahqaha (‘to roar laughing’), bakā (‘to cry’), tanahhada (‘to sigh’), šatama (‘to curse’), haddada (‘to threaten’), ʾiḥtaǧǧa (‘to protest’). šaǧǧaʿa (‘to encourage’), raḥḥaba ‘to welcome’), hannaʾa (‘to congratulate’), ʾašāda (‘to praise’). qāla (‘to say’), ʾaḍāfa (‘to add’), ʾaʿāda (‘to repeat’), ʾaǧāba (‘to answer’), raddada (‘to echo’), radda (‘to answer’), qāṭaʿa (‘to interrupt’), ʾistaṭrada ‘to digress’), ʾaʿraba (‘to express’), (ʾaqarra ‘to confirm’), tābaʿa (‘to continue’), ʾaʿlana (‘to declare’). ʾadāna (‘to condemn’), naddada (‘to denounce’), ʾistankara (‘to denounce’), ʾiddaʿā (‘to claim’), ʾayyada (‘to support’), ʾakkada (‘to confirm’), ʾawḍaḥa (‘to clarify’), ʾafāda (‘to state’), zaʿama (‘to allege’). ṣāḥa (‘to shout’), zamǧara (‘to roar’), nahara (‘to snap’), tamtam (‘to mutter’), ġamġama (‘to mumble’), taḏammra (‘to complain’).

Some reporting verbs depict the way the quote or the report is delivered. The options vary from least to most visual. Interestingly this type of projection is often realized paratactically (i.e. as quotes) by behavioural processes ‘pressed into verbal services’ as in Example (58) below. The ‘visual effects’ may be enhanced by adding a prepositional group to the behavioural process as illustrated by Example (59) or an adverbial as in Example (60). The same modulation of the ‘visual options’ apply to verbal processes as in Example (61), the only difference is that verbal processes could project with more ease both paratactically and hypotactically.

  1. Manner of delivery: Behavioural process

(58)
[1] faḍaḥika ʾayman:
so-laugh-3msg:pfv aymen.nom
z Process: behavioural Behaver
‘Aymen laughed:
(…)
  
[2”] taʿrifu ʾanna ʾalḥayāẗa tataġayyaru.
[α] 2msg:ipfv-know [β’] that def-life-fsg.acc 2fsg:ipfv-change
Process: mental (Senser) z Actor Process: meaterial
“life changes you know”’
(Khal 2012: 161)

  1. Manner of delivery: Behavioural process + prepositional group

(59)
[1] faǧʾaẗan ʾaẖaḏa yabkī biḥurqaẗ:in
suddenly.acc take-3msg:pfv 3msg:ipfv-cry with-indf.burn-fsg.gen
z Process verbal (Sayer) Manner
‘Suddenly he started to cry with passion:
(…)
  
[2”] – kullukum tataʾāmarūna ʿalā sumʿatī.
–“all-you-mpl.nom 3mpl:ipfv-conspire on reputation-fsg-my.poss.gen
Actor Process material Goal
“You are all conspiring against me”’
(Khal 2012: 124)

  1. Manner of delivery: Behavioural process + prepositional group

(60)
[1] ʾiḥtaǧǧat mutaḏammiraẗan:
protest-3fsg:pfv indf.nagingly-fsg.acc.nmlz
Process: verbal (Sayer) Manner
‘She protested ill-temperedly:
(…)
  
[2”] sayataḍāʿaf u tawaʿʿukuka,…
– 3msg:fut-multiply malaise-msg-your.poss.2msg.acc
Process: material Actor
– your malaise will intensify, …’
(Khal 2012: 180)

  1. Manner of delivery: process + adverbial

(61)
[1] qāla ḍāḥikan: [2”] ʾalbāqī waǧhuhu.
say-3msg:pfv laughing.nmlz.acc def-rest-msg.gen face.msg-his.poss.nom
Process verbal (Sayer) Manner Carrier Attribute
‘He said laughing: All that remains is his face.’
(Khal 2012: 165)

While the personal and spatial deictic variations between the quote and the report are quite simple and predictable; the deictic differences in temporal values are modal and much less straightforward. They are also more complex in reporting propositions than proposals as will be illustrated by Examples (62)–(64).

(62)
[α] wa qāla bayānun, ḥaṣalat “ʾarraʾyu”
[1] and say-3sg:pfv indf.communique-msg.nom [2+] receive-3fsg:pfv “al-ra?yu.nom
z Process verbal Sayer Process material Actor
ʿalā nusẖaẗin minhu,
on indf.copy-fsg.gen from-him
Goal
‘A communique –which the newspaper Al-Rai has received a copy of- said
(…)
  
[β”] ʾanna ʾalḥizmaẗa ʾalmāliyyaẗa tašmalu minaḥan biqīmaẗi 141 malyūni dūlārin
that def-package-fsg.acc def- monetary-fsg.acc 3fsg:ipfv-comprise indf.grant-fpl.acc with-indf.value-fsg.gen 141 indf.million-msg.gen indf.dollar-msg.gen
z Carrier Process relational Attribute
that the financial package included grants worth 141 million dollars.’
(Arrai Newspaper 2016)
(63)
[α] wa ʾawḍaḥa
and clarify-3msg:pfv
z Process: verbal (Sayer)
‘And he added
(…)
  
[β”] ʾanna haḏihi ālǧamāʿāt lahā ẖuṭaṭun ʾistrātīǧiyyaẗun.
that this.dem.fsg def-group-fpl.gen to-her indf.plan-fpl.nom indf.strategic-fsg.nom
z Carrier Attribute
that these groups have strategic plans.’
(Al-Jazeera net 2015a: no page number)
(64)
[α] saʾalanī [β”] ʾin kuntu ʿaṭšānan.
ask-3msg:pfv-me.obj.gen if be-1sg:pfv indf.thirsty-msg.acc
Process verbal (Sayer) Receiver z Process relational (Carrier) Attribute
‘He asked if I was thrirsty.’
(Dawud 1990: 63)

In Example (62), the verbal group in the projected clause is in the imperfective indicative. It is very likely that the ‘tense’ in the original quote is the same. The reason that there is no change in the report is that at the moment of speaking the newspaper reporting on the event believes that the financial package still includes grants with the same value. In Example (63), the projected clause is relational, it is also very likely that the original clause construes the same temporal value. The reason why there is no change is the fact that the clause construes a characteristic which is perceived as permanent at the moment of reporting the action i.e. those groups do not act randomly and have their own strategic plans. This example should be contrasted with the following one that is Example (64), where the clause is relational too but with a verbal group kāna (‘to be’) in the perfective. Unlike Example (63) in which there is no change in terms of temporal values between the report and the quote, in Example (64) the report has a different temporal value from the quote because the state of ‘being thirsty’ is finished at the moment of the report [he asked if I was thirsty (then)]. In brief, although these examples barely scratch the surface of the temporal shifts in quotes and reports, it seems there are instances when the person reporting the citation feels that these temporal shifts are warranted and others when they are not. This is often based on the way the action is perceived at the moment of the report, and is not systematic as in languages such as English.

4.2.2 Reporting polar and elemental interrogatives

In Arabic interrogatives can be reported at clause simplex level. This is typically done by using saʾala ‘to ask’as a projecting process and a prepositional phrase construing a circumstance Matter. The preposition of choice which is used as head of the prepositional group is typically ʿan ‘about’ as in Example (65) below. In these cases, the report is typically a general enquiry about a topic and not a proper report of the utterance even when the prepositional group is complex and may have a qualifying post posed embedded clause in it.

(65)
yasʾalūnaka ʿan ʾalẖamri wa ʾalmaysiri
3mpl:ipfv-ask-you.obj.2msg.acc about def-wine-msg.gen and def-gambling-msg.gen
Process verbal (Sayer) Receiver Matter
‘They ask thee concerning wine and gambling.’
(The Noble Quran 2:219 – Yusuf Ali’s translation)

Reporting yes-no questions is typically done at clause complex level using saʾala + ʾin (‘to ask if/whether’). This version requires a change in personal, spatial and temporal deixis as illustrated by Example (66) where clearly there is a temporal shift between the quote and the report. The temporal value is realized in the original by the imperfective and in the report by kāna + the imperfective.

(66)
[α] saʾaltuhā
ask-1sg:pfv-her.obj.acc
Process: verbal (Sayer) Receiver
‘I asked her
(…)
  
[β”] ʾin kāna ẖaldūnu yaʿrifu ʾannahā hunā ʾam lā,…
if be-3msg:pfv khaldun 3msg:ipfv-know that-she here or neg
z Senser z Carrier Attribute z
Process mental
if Khaldun knew that she was here or not,…’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 367)

In reports, elemental questions are altered not only in terms of intonation patterns but also in terms of personal, spatial and temporal deixis depending on who is speaking and the position of the reporter vis-à-vis the Sayer and what was said. There is no change construed by particular markers or change in the placement of mood elements (Subject + Finite) like that which is done in English as in Example (67).

(67)
[1] saʾalanī
ask-3msg:pfv-me.obj.gen
Process: verbal (Sayer) Receiver
‘He asked me
(…)
  
[2”] limāḏā ʾanā ṣāmitun muʿẓama ʾalwaqti.
why I indf.quiet-msg.nom most def-time-msg.gen
z Carrier Attribute Loc. Temporal
why I was quiet all the time.’
(Abd Al-Majeed 2015: 66)

The projecting clause is in the perfective while the projected one is a nominal clause which means that there is no temporal shifts. These examples are quite challenging to translate as one has to look at the context for clues about the right temporal value construed by the verbless clause.

4.2.3 Reporting commands and suggestions

Reporting commands, advice and suggestions is realized at clause complex level by (1) a verbal process in the projecting clause, the most typical in commands is ʾamara ‘to order’, in advice is naṣaḥa ‘to advise’ and in suggestions ʾiqtaraḥa ‘to suggest’ + (2) ʾan + (3) a verbal group in ʾalmuḍāraʿ ʾalmanṣūb. This ‘tense’ is often compared to the subjunctive in some western descriptions of Arabic as it reflects the non-actualized nature of the action or in this case the proposal it construes as in Examples (68), (69), and (70).

(68)
[α] ʾinnamā ʾumirtu
but-rather command-imp:1sg-pass
z Process: verbal (Sayer) Receiver
‘For me, I have been commanded
(…)
  
[β”] ʾan ʾaʿbuda Rabba haḏihi ʾalbaldaẗi
that 1sg:sbjv-worship indf.God-msg.acc this.dem.fsg def-town-fsg.gen
z Process: mental (Senser) Phenomenon
to serve the Lord of this city,…’
(The Noble Quran 27: 91 – Yusuf Ali’s translation)
(69)
[α] naṣaḥtuhā
advise-1sg:pfv-her.obj.acc
Process verbal (Sayer) Receiver
‘I advised her
(…)
  
[β”] ʾan taqbala ʾalʾamra ʾalwāqiʿa.
that 3fsg:sbjv-accept def-matter-msg.acc def-real-msg.acc
z Process mental (Senser) Phenomenon
to accept her reality.’
(Salih no date: 159)
(70)
[α] wa ʾinnamā ʾiqtaraḥtu
and but-rather suggest-1sg:pfv
z z Process: verbal (Sayer)
‘I have rather suggested
(…)
  
[β”] ʾan taʿūda ʾalǧāmiʿaẗu ʾilā dawrihā ʾalʾasāsī.
that 3fsg:sbjv-return def-univrsity-fsg.nom to role-msg-her.poss.acc def-principle-msg.gen
z Process material Actor Range
that the university should return to its main role.’
(Assayyed 2018)

Arabic can also report commands at clause simplex level. This is realized by (1) a verbal process + (2) a preposition + (3) a noun or nominalized verb form as in Example (71).

(71)
wa kāna yaʾmuru ʾahlahu biṣṣalāẗi wa ʾazzakāẗi
and be-3msg:pfv 3msg:ipfv-order family-msg-his.poss.nom with-def-prayer-fsg.gen and def-alm-fsg.gen
z Process verbal (Sayer) Receiver Matter
‘He enjoined upon his people worship and almsgiving.’
(The Noble Quran 19: 55 – Pickthall’s translation)

Arabic may also construe proposals in a gray area of the system of logico-semantic relations. The report in those instances is realized by a nominalized verbal form construing a non-finite dependent clause as illustrated by Example (72).

(72)
[α] ʾiqtaraḥa raʾīsu maǧlisi ʾannuwwābi
suggest-3msg:pfv indf.president-msg.nom indf.council-msg.gen def-deputy-mpl.gen
Process verbal Sayer
‘The head of the parliament suggested
(…)
  
[β”] ʾinšāʾa laǧnaẗin farʿiyyaẗin bilʾittiḥādi ʾalbarlamānī ʾadduwalī.
indf.create-nmlz.acc indf.committee-fsg.gen indf.branch-fsg.gen at-def-union-msg.gen def-parliamentary-msg.gen def-international-msg.gen
Process material Goal Location: spatial
forming a sub-committee at the inter-parliamentary union.’
(Ali 2018)

In Example (72), the unequal status is clearly marked by the use of the nominalized verbal form in the accusative. The non-finite status of the clause leaves it open to interpretation. It can be treated as a dependent clause projected hypotactically or simply a complex nominal group ‘head’ with a post-posed qualification construing verbiage at a clause simplex level.

5 Projection as a semantic fractal

In a similar fashion to the way it is done in many languages such as English, Spanish, Bajikka and Dagaree (cf. Arús-Hita et al. 2018), the most explicit manifestation of projection in Arabic is within the domain of the clause nexus. The sections above have dealt with this aspect i.e. how projection is organized tactically by the logical mode of the ideational metafunction. They have also at times touched on the construal of projection at clause simplex level. As the manifestation of projection may have an extent larger or smaller than the clause nexus, this section of the article will deal with all metafunctional manifestations of projection i.e. the logical, interpersonal and the experiential ones. In this sense, it will be a recapitulation of the main points listed above and an addition of other aspects pertaining to this topic. The main objective though often not stated explicitely is to show how projection is manifested through the content system of Arabic. By dealing with its manifestations across metafunctions, this will highlight its pervasiveness and characterize it as a fractal motif that is ever so present across a range of semantic and lexicogrammatical areas.

5.1 Logical manifestation

As mentioned, the distinction between the two modes of projection, paratactic and hypotactic stems from the general contrast in taxis between parataxis and hypotaxis. Telling the difference between paratactic and hypotactic projection may represent a problem in certain texts in Arabic especially when quoting and reporting overlap. This has been particularly noticed in classical Arabic, in different verses of the Quran as in Examples (73) and (74) below and particularly when ʾinna is used (cf. Section 4.1.2.1.).

(73)
[1] qāla qāʾilun minhum
say-3msg:pfv indf.sayer-msg.nom from-them
Process: verbal Sayer
‘Said one of them:
(…)
  
[2”] taqtulū Yūsufa
neg kill-imp:2mpl yusuf.acc
z Process: material (Actor) Goal
“Slay not Joseph”’
(The Noble Quran 12: 10 – Yusuf Ali’s translation)
(74)
[1] qālū [2”] nafqidu ṣuwāʿa ʾalmaliki…
say-3mpl:pfv 1pl:ipfv-miss indf.weight-scale-msg.acc def-king-msg.gen
Process verbal (Sayer) Process material (Actor) Goal
‘They said: “We miss the great beaker of the king; …”’
(The Noble Quran 12: 72 – Yusuf Ali’s translation)

In the translations of Examples (73) and (74), the translator used quotation marks which are not in the original text. Though Example (73) can be a direct quote and therefore the translator made the right decision when he added the quotation marks, Example (74) is less likely to be a direct quote. In fact, as the words were said by a group of people (i.e. they said), this means that unless everyone was in sync and said the exact same words at the same time, what was reported is very unlikely to be a direct quote. The challenge of differentiating “direct quotes” and “indirect quotes” has been largely discussed (Buchstaller 2013: 55–64 in Matthiessen and Teruya 2014).

Matthiessen and Teruya (2014: 13) say that the different logico-semantic realizations of projection are similar to any of the other realizations in the other systems in that they are organized around a cline. In other words, although it is common that quoting and reporting may overlap with “free indirect speech” as an intermediate category, they too can be aligned along ‘a cline of integration’. At one end of this cline, there are quoted propositions and proposals that are completely “free”, without an accompanying projecting clause. Their projected status is normally established by the speaker, who for instance may take on the persona of a different individual, as in stand-up comedy. These utterances have all the interactive properties of a proposition or proposal serving as a dialogic move, including tone, mood tags, and modal assessment as in Example (75).

(75)
– “yuẖṭbū fiyya nā?”
  asking.for.hand-3mpl:ipfv in-me I?
  ‘Are they asking for my hand in marriage?’
  
– “ yuẖṭbū fiyya
  neg neg asking.for.hand-3mpl:ipfv in-me I.
  ‘No, No, they are asking me’
  
– “yuẖṭbū fīk ʾinta?
  Asking.for.hand-3mpl:ipfv in-you you?
  ‘Are they asking for your hand?’
  
– “ yuẖṭbū fīk
  neg neg asking.for.hand-3mpl:ipfv in-you
  ‘No, No, they are asking you’
(Nehdi’s one man show: El-Mekki wa Zakiyya 1993: 27 min 45 sec)

At the other end of the cline, one should find propositions and proposals that are totally removed from the line of dialogue and cleared of their interactive value. These are typically realized by clauses that are embedded in other clauses as in Example (76) below.

(76)
[1] wa laqad šafā nafsī
and operator cure-3msg:pfv self-fsg-my.poss.gen
z Process material Goal
‘And what healed my soul
(…)
  
[2+] wa ʾaḏhaba suqmahā [qīlu ʾalfawārisi wayka ʿantara ʾaqdimi].
and make-go-3msg:pfv sickness-fsg-her-poss.acc indf.saying-msg.nom def-horse-rider-mpl.gen (z) antar.acc come.forward-imp:2msg
z Process material Goal Actor-[Locution]
and cured its pain the saying of the horsemen o Antar give us a hand.’
(Ibn Shaddad n.d. in Azzawzani 2002: 152)

In-between these two poles, we find the realm of the nexus of projection, with three degrees of agnation which are:

  1. “freedom” – paratactic projection as in Example (77).

(77)
[1] saʾalanī biṣalafin:
ask-3msg:pfv-me.obj.gen with-indf-arrogance-msg.gen
Process: verbal (Sayer) Receiver Manner
‘He asked me with arrogance:
(…)
  
[2”] māḏā turīdu?
– what 2msg:ipfv-want?
Phenomenon Process: mental (Senser)
– What do you want?’
(Khal 2012: 56)

  1. Paratactic projection: reporting. This is common in projecting questions and commands, which typically lose their intonation patterns and as such are misleadingly paratactic as in Example (78) below.

(78)
[1] fa-qulnā [2”] ʾiḍrib biʿaṣāka ʾalḥaǧara
so-say-1pl:pfv hit-imp:2msg with-stick-fsg-your.poss.2msg.acc def-rock-msg.acc
z Process verbal (Sayer) Process material (Actor) Manner: means Goal
‘We said: “Smite with thy staff the rock”’
(The Noble Quran 2: 60 – Pickthall’s translation)

  1. Hypotactic projection: reporting. It is the norm for reported projection to be construed hypotactically and as mentioned above it typically takes a projection marker as in Example (79) below.

(79)
[α] yaqūlūna [β”] ʾanna ʾalmaʾmūra ġāḍibun.
3mpl:ipfv-say that indf.officer.msg.acc indf.angry.msg.nom
Process verbal (Sayer) z Carrier Attribute
‘They are saying that the officer is angry.’
(Khal 2010: 73)

ʾalfatḥaẗu ‘the ʾa sound that construes the accusative’ is a sign of hypotactic projection as the particles that tie the main clause to the subordinate one, require either a nominal group or a verbal group in the accusative.

Finally, there are instances where both quotes and reports are mixed, as in Example (80) below which is from a newspaper article.

(80)
[α] fī ḥīni qāla tawāḍros
in indf.moment-msg.gen say-3msg:pfv tawadros
Location: temporal Process: verbal Sayer
‘While Pope Tawadros said
(…)
  
[β”] ʾinnahu tawaǧǧaha ʾilā madīnaẗi ʾalqudsi min ʾaǧli “wāǧibin ʾinsāniyyin, wa litaʾdiyyaẗi wāǧibi ʾalʿazāʾi.”
that-he direct-refl.3msg:pfv to indf.city-fsg.gen Jerusalem from indf.reason-msg.gen “indf.duty-msg.gen indf.humanitatian-msg.gen and to-perfoming-nmlz.gen indf.duty-msg.gen def-condolence-msg.gen”
z Actor Process material Location: spatial Reason
that he visited Jerusalem for “humanitarian reasons and to offer his condolences.”’
(Al-Jazeera.net 2015b)

In the example above the writer uses both direct and indirect speech in the same citation. As mentioned earlier, in Halliday’s account, the three degrees are all related by tactic patterns within the domain of the clause nexus whereas in traditional accounts both paratactically and hypotactically projected clauses that is quoted and reported speech and thought are analysed as ‘complement clauses’. The next section will deal with the experiential manifestation of projection.

5.2 Experiential manifestation

The experiential manifestation of projection appears in the role the verbal group plays in construing a projection nexus. It also appears in the role some circumstances play at clause simplex level.

5.2.1 The role of the process in the projection nexus

There is strong reason to believe that in Arabic some verbs project paratactically but not hypotactically, others project hypotactically but not paratactically and others do both. There are also bland verbal processes and others more visual. The latter are used to dramatize as well as make the reader visualize the situation. It also seems that some verbs have evolved in MSA away from their typical use. Though they mimic verbal processes in projecting paratactically, they effectively construe projection implicitly as in the Example (81) below.

(81)
[1] faḍaḥika ʾayman:
so-laugh-3msg:pfv aymen.nom
z Process: verbal Sayer
‘Aymen laughed:
(…)
  
[2”] - taʿrifu ʾanna ʾalḥayāẗa tataġayyaru.
[α] 2msg:ipfv-know   [β’] that def-life-fsg.acc 2fsg:ipfv-change
Process: mental (Senser) z Actor Process: material
Life changes you know.’
(Khal 2012: 161)

Some ‘verbal’ clauses can be interpreted as caused ‘mental’ ones, with the Sayer as Inducer and the Receiver as Senser as in Example (82) below in which the ‘convincing’ is mental but the way it was carried out could be verbal.

(82)
[α] man ʾaqnaʿaka
who convince-3msg:pfv-you.obj.2msg.acc
Sayer/Inducer Process: verbal Receiver/Senser
‘Who convinced you
(…)
  
[β”] ʾanna ʾalʾumūra satantahī fī 7 ʾayyāmin.
that def-thing-fpl.acc 3fsg:fut-end in 7 indf.day-fpl.gen
z Actor Process: material Location: temporal
that these things will end in seven days?’
(Assafwa Newspaper 2013)

The Sayer in ‘verbal’ clauses is not restricted to beings endowed with consciousness (cf. Bardi 2008 for more information about the main participants in verbal clauses). This comprehensive category of sayer-hood may sometimes shade into token-hood in ‘intensive relational’ clauses where abstract nouns such as ‘reality’, in Example (83a) below can serve as Token and another abstract noun or clause as Value. Example (83b) is slightly altered to illustrate this point.

(83a)
wa ʾalwāqiʿu [ʾannanā naǧidu fī ʾalkitābi ʾalmanšūri Faqarātin…]
and def-reality-msg.nom that-we 1pl:ipfv-find in def-book-msg.gen def-published-msg.gen indf.paragraph-fpl.gen
z Token z Actor Process material Location: spatial Goal
Value
‘In reality we find in a published books paragraphs…’
(Mhiri 1993: 20)
(83b)
[α] wa ʾalwāqiʿu lā yanfī
and def-reality-msg.nom neg 3msg:juss-negate
z Sayer z Process: verbal
‘And reality does not cancel the fact
(…)
   
[β”] ʾannanā naǧidu fī ʾalkitābi ʾalmanšūri Faqarātin…
that-we 1pl:ipfv-find in def-book-msg.gen def-published-msg.gen indf.paragraph-fpl.gen
z Actor Process: material Location: spatial Goal
that we find in the published books paragraphs…’
(adapted from Mhiri 1993: 20)

Verbs that are open to the two readings (i.e. Sayer + Process + Receiver or Inducer + Process + Senser) have developed an intensive relational sense of proof where the Sayer or Inducer is a nominal group representing an abstraction as illustrated in Example 84 where “scientific studies and research in the field of tourism and hotels” can be interpreted as a Token and the ‘projected’ proposition as Value. A Receiver or Senser is often brought into such clause in a circumstantial form as an Angle e.g. lanā ‘to us’ in Example (84).

(84)
[α] ʾaṯbatat lanā ʾaddirāsātu wa ʾalbuḥūṯu ʾalʿilmiyyaẗu fī maǧāli ʾassiyāḥaẗi wa ʾalfanādiqi
prove-3fsg:pfv to-us def-study-fpl.nom and def-research-fpl.nom def-scientific-fsg.nom in indf.field-msg.gen def-tourism-fsg.gen and def-hotel-mpl.gen
Process relational/verbal/mental Senser/Receiver/Angle Token/Sayer/Inducer
‘Studies and researches in tourism has proved to us
(…)
  
[β”] ʾanna hunāka yuqāribu 40 malyūn musāfirin sanawiyyan bilmamlakaẗi.
that there what 3msg:ipfv-near 40 indf.million-msg.gen indf.traveller-msg.gen indf.yearly-adv.acc in-def-kingdom-fsg.gen
z z Token Process relational Value Manner frequency Location: spatial
Existent
that there is almost 40 million travelers in the Kingdom every year.’
(Ajil Newspaper 2013)

These clauses of proof have added a relational sense to the verbal process (cf. Matthiessen and Teruya 2014). Like in English, this type of clause of proof in Arabic could have emerged with the advent and evolution of scientific writings where processes likeʾaṯbata (‘to prove’)/ʾaẓhara (‘to make visible – display’)/kašafa (‘to unveil’)/waǧada (‘to find’) etc. are frequently used.

Interestingly, this pattern of agnation spills into other process types including the existential and material ones as in Example (85), which illustrates how material processes could construe to some extent our verbal experiences.

(85)
naqalat ʾaṣṣaḥīfaẗu taṣrīḥātin lirraʾīsi ʿabdʾalfattāḥi ʾassīsī.
transport-3fsg:pfv indf.newspaper-fsg.nom indf.declaration-fpl.gen of-def-president-msg.gen abd alfattah alsisi
Process: verbal Sayer Verbiage
‘The newspaper reported some comments made by President Abd Al-Fattah Al-Sissi.’
(Sameer 2017)

The process naqala literaly means to move or to transport, which is a material process. In this context, however, it is used metaphorically i.e. the newspaper moved/reported the news.

5.2.2 The role of some circumstantial elements in construing projection

Projection is experientially realized by a particular kind of circumstance – Angle, which construes the angle of projection of a clause. It is construed by an ‘adverbial’ group or a prepositional phrase as in Examples (86) and (87).

(86)
ṭibqan lidirāsātinā lissūqi waǧadnā
conforming to-study-fsg-our.poss.acc to-def-market-msg.gen find-1pl:pfv
Angle – Viewpoint Process: mental (Senser)
‘According to our market study, we found
  
(…)
ḥāǧaẗa sūqi ʾalfanādiqi dāẖila ʾalmamlakaẗi ʾilā [mā yuqāribu
indf.need-fsg.acc indf.market-msg.gen def-hotel-fpl.gen indf.inside-msg.acc def-kingdom-fsg.gen to what 3msg:ipfv-near
Carrier z Carrier Process relational
Attribute
35000 ġurfaẗin funduqiyyaẗin].
35000 indf.room-fsg.gen indf.hotel.adj.fsg.gen
Attribute
Phenomenon
that the hotel market inside the kingdom needs approximately 35000 hotel rooms.’
(Ajil Newspaper 2013)
(87)
ʾinna ʾalbašara binnisbaẗi lihaʾulāʾi ʾalʾabālisaẗi ʾarẖaṣu ʾalʾašyāʾi, ʾatfahu ʾalʾašyāʾi.
indeed def-human-mpl.acc for-def-relativity-fsg.gen to-these def-satan-mpl.gen indf.cheap-msg.nom def-thing-fpl.gen, indf.worthless-msg.nom def-thing-fpl.gen
z Token Angle – view point Value
‘Human beings, for these devils, are the cheapest commodities, the most worthless things.’
(Munif 2001: 182)

Projection is also manifested experientially through another kind of circumstance – Matter which is indiscriminately used in both verbal and mental clause simplexes. This circumstance type is typically realized by prepositional groups and construes what could be a verbiage or a thought as in Examples (88) and (89).

(88)
saʾalatnī ʿammā ʾurīdu.
ask-3fsg:pfv-me.obj.gen about-what 1sg:ipfv-want
Process verbal (Sayer) Receiver z Phenomenon Process mental (Senser)
Matter
‘She asked me about what I wanted.’
(Adduaji 1993: 64)
(89)
šaʿurtu bilfaraḥi.
feel-1sg:pfv with-indf.happiness-msg.nom
Process mental (Senser) Matter
‘I felt happiness.’
(Khal 2010: 157)

5.3 Interpersonal manifestation

The manifestation of projection in the interpersonal mode in Arabic is either congruent or incongruent i.e. metaphorical. The congruent aspect may overlap with the experiential especially when construing the angle/source of projection. The incongruent is in tandem with the logical resources as it involves projecting clauses. Both will be briefly described in the two sections below.

5.3.1 Congruent realization

The congruent interpersonal manifestation of projection is realized through the system of comment adjuncts in particular comments of presumptions (Matthiessen and Teruya 2014). These manifestations occur when the speaker interferes into a proposition or proposal with a comment. Comments of presumption show that the source of the information in a proposal is not the speaker but somebody else. The speaker in these situations does not take responsibility for the validity of the information but rather distances him/her-self from it (Matthiessen and Teruya 2014), as in Example (90) below.

(90)
ḥasaba maṣādira -mawṯūqaẗin- liـ“ʾaššurūqi” “ʾannahḍa” tadʿamu ʾassibsī.
according indf.source-fpl.acc indf.trusted-fsg.gen to-“alshuruq-gen ‘“alnahdha-nom’” 3fsg:ipfv-support alsibsi-gen
Angle: viewpoint Actor Process: material Recipient
‘According to some ‘Al-Shuruq’ reliable sources: ‘Annahdha’ supports Al-Sibsi.’
(Al-Ajrudi 2014)

Like in English (cf. Matthiessen and Teruya 2014), comments of presumption in Arabic are one category within the system of comments (cf. Figure 2); related types include: Prediction (e.g. mina ʾalmufāǧiʾi, ‘surprisingly’/mina ʾalmutawaqqiʿi, ‘predictably’), Desirability (e.g. lisūʾi, ʾalḥaẓẓi ‘unluckily’/min ḥusni ʾalḥaẓẓi, ‘luckily’/lilʾasafi, ‘regrettably’). Comments of presumption are also related to comments concerned with the act of exchanging speech functions. These include: Validity (e.g. ʿumūman, ‘generally’/biṭarīqaẗin ʿāmmaẗin, ‘in a general way’), Personal engagement (e.g. šaẖṣiyyan, ‘personally’/biṣarāḥaẗin, ‘frankly’), Persuasion (bikulli mawḍūʿiyyaẗin, ‘objectively’/bikulli nazāhaẗin, ‘honestly’), factuality (e.g. ḥaqqan, ‘really’).

Figure 2: 
The system of comment adjuncts (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 129).
Figure 2:

The system of comment adjuncts (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 129).

The interpersonal manifestation of projection vary according to register where certain text types have their own preferred comment Adjuncts. For instance, in newspaper articles comment Adjuncts about the sources credibility (e.g. ḥasba maṣdarin mawṯūqin, ‘according to a trusted source’, ḥasba maṣdarin rasmīyyin, ‘according to an official source’, fī ʾanbāʾin mutaḍāribaẗin, ‘based on some conflicting news’, ḥasba baʿḍi ʾattasrībāti, ‘according to some leaked news’). are quite common. Some of these same Adjuncts could be slightly altered to accommodate the speaker’s negative or positive appraisal of the source and its credibility. For instance, ḥasba maṣdarin mawṯūqin (‘according to a trusted source’) could become ḥasba maṣdarin ġayri mawṯūqin (‘according to an untrustworthy source’) and ḥasba maṣdarin rasmīyyin (‘according to an official source’) can become ḥasba maṣdarin ġayri rasmīyyin (‘according to an unofficial source’) etc.

5.3.2 Incongruent realization

The incongruent manifestations of projection include interpersonal metaphors of mood and modal assessment where the logical resources of clause nexuses of projection are used to develop the interpersonal meaning potential that helps the speaker make his or her position (whether subjective or objective) explicit (Matthiesse and Teruya 2014). Examples (91a) and (92a) below include ‘projecting’ clauses of this metaphorical type.

(91a)
[α] zaʿamat maṣādirun maǧhūlaẗun fī qiyādaẗi šurṭaẗi ḥalab
allege-3fsg:pfv indf.source-fpl.nom indf.unknown-fsg.nom in indf.police-fsg.gen aleppo
Predicator Subject
‘Some unknown sources in the police in Aleppo have claimed
(…)
  
[β”] ʾanna ẖams qaḏāʾif ṣārūẖiyya ʾistahdafat ʾaḥyāʾa ʾalḥamdānayya…
that indf.five.acc indf.rocket-fpl.acc indf.missile-fsg.acc target-3fsg:pfv indf.neighborhood-fpl.acc alhamdaniyya
z Subject Predicator Complement
that five rockets have been fired at the neighborhood of Al-Hamdaniyya…’
(Tayyar Al-Ghad Al-Souri 2019)
(91b)
ʾiḏ ʾannahu mina ʾalmazʿūmi ʾanna baʿḍa ʾalʿanāṣiri [ʾallatī tustaẖdamu fī taṣnīʿi haḏihi ʾalʾadwiyyaẗi]
if that-he from def-alleged-msg.gen that some def-element-fpl.acc [which 3fsg:ipfv-use-pass in indf-manufacturing-msg.gen dem-this-fsg.gen def-drug-fpl.gen]
z z-Subject comment Adjunct Complement…
‘As it is alleged that some ingredients used in the manufacturing of these drugs
(…)
    
taḥtawī ʿalā muʿaddalātin ʿāliyyaẗin mina ʾassumūmi
3fsg:ipfv-contain on indf.average-fpl.gen indf.high-fsg.gen of def-poison-fpl.gen
… Complement
contain high levels of poison.’
(Al-jumhuriyya 2013)
(92a)
[α] ʾakkada ʾaddifāʿu ʾalmadaniyyu ʾassūriyyu
confirm-3msg:pfv def-defence-msg.nom def-civilian-msg.nom def-syrian-msg.nom
Predicator Subject
‘The Syrian Civil Defence has affirmed
(…)
   
[β”] ʾanna ʾistihdāfa ʾalmuẖayyami ʾalwāqiʿi ʿalā ʾalḥudūdi ʾatturkiyyaẗi ʾasfara ʿan maqtali wa ʾiṣābaẗi ʾalʿašarāti mina ʾalmadaniyyīna…
that def-targeting-msg.nmlz.acc def-camp-msg.gen def-located-msg.gen on def-border-fpl.gen def-turkish-fsg.gen result-3msg:pfv in indf.killing-msg.gen and indf.injury-fsg.gen def-ten-fpl.gen of def-civilian-mpl.acc
z Subject Predicator Adjunct
that targeting the camp situated at the Turkish border has led to the murder and injury of tens of civilians.’
(Tayyar Al-Ghad Al-Souri 2019)
(92b)
ʾinnahu mina ʾalmuʾakkadi ʾanna ḥaftar sayanhazimu fī ḥāli ġāba ʾaddaʿmu ʿanhu.
indeed-he from def-certain-msg.gen that haftar fut prtcle- 3msg:ipfv-be-defeated in indf.case-msg.gen absent-3msg:pfv def-support-msg.nom from-him
z-Subject mood Adjunct z Complement
‘It is certain that Haftar will lose in case the back-up is withdrawn from him.’
(Al-Jazeera 2020)

Examples (91b) and (92b) are congruent realization of the interpersonal mode of meaning, they are construed by comment Adjuncts. They are listed in this section next to incongruent realizations to highlight the differences and similarities. The same realization also has an experiential version where the prepositional group construing the mood Adjunct is an Atrribute placed in thematic position and the projected part is the Carrier as in Example (93).

(93)
wa mina ʾalmuʾakkadi [ʾanna ʾalmuwāḍaʿaẗa [ʾallatī tatanāwalu ʾaḍḍamma] laysat ʾalmuwāḍaʿaẗa ʾalluġawiyyaẗa.]
and from def-certain-msg.gen that def-context-fsg.acc which 3fsg:ipfv-deal def-nominative-msg.acc neg.cop-3fsg def-context-fsg.acc def-linguistic-fsg.acc
z Complement/Attribute z Subject/Carrier
‘It is certain that the context which treats the nominative is not a linguistic context.’
(Abu Zeed 2000: 155)

6 Conclusions

This article has investigated one main aspect of Transitivity in Arabic which is projection. The resources of projection in Arabic are part of its meaning making potential, they are put to work in many types of register. In this article these resources have been investigated in a variety of “Arabics” that include dialectal as well as classical and Modern Standard Arabic to cover as many of their features as possible.

This article has first looked into contemporary and old studies of Arabic and how they treated projection. The main objective behind this was to showcase the areas of the grammar where these studies of Arabic can profit from Halidday’s work. Then the article went on to highlight how Arabic construes verbal and mental projection at clause and clause complex levels. The main objective of this section was to shedlight on the key features in construing projection. Finally, the article touched on projection as a fractal motif; that is the manifestation of this pattern in a wide variety of semantic and lexico-grammatical settings. Some of the findings remain to be consolidated by more research, as the quantity of the texts that were analyzed for the purpose of this paper are not large enough to allow for the generalization of certain features and trends in this area of the lexicogrammar.


Corresponding author: Mohamed Ali Bardi, UNSW College, The University of New South Wales, Kensington, NSW, Australia, E-mail:

Funding source: the FH Dean’s Reserve for International Research Collaboration, Hong Kong Polytechnic University

Award Identifier / Grant number: grant number 1-ZVB4

  1. Research funding: This work was supported by the FH Dean’s Reserve for International Research Collaboration, Hong Kong Polytechnic University (grant number 1-ZVB4).

Appendix: List of abbreviations found in the Leipzig glossing rules

1

first person

2

second person

3

third person

acc

accusative

adv

adverbial particle

cop

copula

def

definite (article)

dem

demonstrative

du

dual

f

feminine

fut

future

gen

genitive

imp

imperative

ipfv

imperfective

ind

indicative

indf

indefinite article

inf

infinitive

m

masculine

neg

negative

nom

nominative

obj

object

prtcle

particle

pass

passive

pfv

perfective

pl

plural

poss

possessive

q

question particle

sbjv

Subjunctive

sg

singular

voc

vocative

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Received: 2023-01-10
Accepted: 2024-07-13
Published Online: 2024-10-02

© 2024 the author(s), published by De Gruyter and FLTRP on behalf of BFSU

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

Heruntergeladen am 15.9.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/jwl-2024-0019/html
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