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A typology of the Arabic system of mood

  • Mohamed Ali Bardi EMAIL logo
Published/Copyright: October 2, 2024

Abstract

This article is about the interpersonal side of the clause in Arabic. It more specifically studies all the different speech functions inherent in the exchange of meanings: offer, command (viz. proposals), statement, and question (viz. propositions). The main question that this article seeks to answer is how Arabic realizes these different speech functions through variations in mood choices. The purpose of the article is to fill a gap in the literature. In fact, there have not been many major attempts to describe the Arabic system of mood in the reference grammars of Arabic. Although this article defines the delimitation of the system of mood in Arabic from the perspective of systemic functional linguistics, it also draws from the work of earlier Arab grammarians which has been either ignored or misinterpreted for centuries. For the purpose of this study, dialogic texts from various sources have been analysed including scenes from movies, plays, novels, and The Noble Quran. The findings show that the system of mood in Arabic is different from its English counterpart and from that of other languages.

1 Introduction

This article studies dialogic negotiation in Arabic in order to define the systemic organization of mood options and their mode of realization. The Arabic system of mood is the main resource for construing dialogic exchanges. An exchange in systemic functional grammar is about “giving or demanding” a commodity. This commodity can be either “goods-&-services” or “information”. Goods-&-services are exchanged through proposals (offers and commands). As to information, it is exchanged through propositions (statements and questions). The paradigmatic nuances that characterize each exchange type define the basic parameters of the semantic system of speech function ( Teruya et al. 2007). In general, goods-&-services are more “concrete” and exist independently of language. In offers and commands, language serves to facilitate the exchange of goods-&-services whereas information is more abstract and exists through language. In statements and questions, the commodity of exchange is constituted in language. The level of abstraction that characterizes information exchange may explain why children learn to exchange goods-&-services first but that is another issue beyond the scope of this paper (cf. Halliday [1984] for more about this point).

The system of mood in Arabic, like its counterpart in many other languages (cf. Geng 2022; Lai and Geng 2023; Li 2023; Matthiessen 2004; Teruya et al. 2007; Teruya 2017), operates at clause rank and is the core of the interpersonal metafunction. It covers the sum of grammatical resources for enacting the aforementioned exchanges. This study is based on a comprehensive, text-centered and meaning-oriented systemic functional approach where generalizations about a language system are defined in terms of the global dimensions of stratification, instantiation, and metafunction, and the local dimensions of axis and rank. This article will start with a brief literature review before analyzing a dialogic passage to highlight the interpersonal aspects of language in an actual dialogic exchange. Once these main aspects are highlighted then the next step is to look from below and examine the main elements responsible for carrying a dialogic exchange forward. Once the clause is looked at from below, the section after that will look at the clause from round about that is it will look at the system of mood and the different modes of its realization. The advantage of looking at the system from these angles is that one gets to also see how the interpersonal system interacts with the textual and experiential ones.

2 Research background

This article is an important contribution to the description of the system of mood in Arabic. In fact, most of the recent reference grammars of Modern Standard Arabic (cf. Cantarino 1974; Carter et al. 2004; Holes 2004; Ryding 2005) have not touched on this aspect of interpersonal exchange construed by the clause. One of the reasons maybe the fact that it is easier to follow main stream studies of Arabic and focus on common ground topics pertaining to structural aspects, such as clause structure, verbal classes, derivational patterns, connectives and conjunctions, prepositions etc. than explore notions that had been touched upon by early Arab grammarians and were quite unique to the Arab tradition and as such quite obscure and more challenging to explain and to develop.

Early Arab grammarians (e.g. Al-Jurjani n.d.;[1] Al-Mubarrad 1994; Assabti 1986; Azzamakhshari 2004; Ibn Aqeel 1980; Al-Ansari n.d.; Ibn Jinni 1957; Ibn Malek 1968; Sibawayh 1988) who lived approximatively between the 8th and 14th century A.D. had talked about the most basic unit that should form the nucleus of an exchange of information, i.e. the smallest unit necessary to understand a sentence. Overall, they all seemed to agree that while in a verbal sentence (VSO), it is the Subject + the verb, in a nominal sentence (SVO or NN), it is the theme and the rheme.[2] Sibawayh who lived in the 8th Century A.D. labelled these elements in his book ʾalkitāb which is considered by many as the first and ultimate source in traditional Arab grammar ʾalmusnad wa ʾalmusnad ʾilayhi (‘the predicate and that which the predicate is assigned to’). Around the 4th century of the Arab calendar, which corresponds to the 10th century AD, onward Arab grammarians in their discussions of the nucleus of the “sentence” started calling ʾannawāẗ ʾalʾisnādiyya (‘the predicating nucleus’) which forms the main part of the sentence ʾalʿumda (‘the Base’) and the rest of the sentence ʾalfaḍla (‘the Remainder/Residue’) (cf. Al-Istirbathi 1993; Al-Maliqi 2002; Al-Ukbari 1976; Assabti 1986; Assayyuti 1992; Ibn Assarraj 1985; Ibn Jinni 1957; Ibn Malek 1990; Ibn Yaaish n.d.).[3] Some (e.g. Salman 2009) say that it is Ibn Jinni who first used the term Residue. Others (cf. Bu Abbas 2016) say that it is Al-Mubarrab who first used it and before him Ibn Al-Muthanna (died 825 AD) who used the word faḍlun to mean something extra, not necessary. Arab grammarians also discussed predication in what they called ʾaǧǧumla ʾaṭṭalabiyya (‘the requesting sentence’), which they divided to five or six types: negative and positive imperative, the interrogative, the vocative, offer and hope (cf. Al-Istirbathi 1993; Al-Maliqi 2002; Assayyuti 1992; Ibn Malek 1968). However, the main point here is not to argue about exactly who used these terms first or the extent to which the work of Arab grammarians differed from one another as this lays beyond the scope of this article (cf. Owens [1990] for more information about the topic. Although some of his views along with those of Versteegh [1993] would be strongly contested if presented to Arab scholars). The main point here is that although medieval Arab grammarians discussed many notions, which are fairly similar to those discussed by Halliday centuries later, their discussions appears to be quite fragmented at best as they had not fully set their discussions within a comprehensive theoretical paradigm similar to SFG, i.e. the exchange of goods-&-services. By keeping the terms “Base and Residue” (cf. Section 3 below), this article will not only pay homage at the unique work of Arab grammarians but also aim to show how their work could potentially have been developed and expanded.

mood systems and their modes of realization have been studied in Systemic Functional linguistics for over thirty years now (cf. Bardi 2008; Caffarel 1996; Caffarel et al. 2004; Teruya 2007; Teruya et al. 2007 to name a few). This article is an addition to these studies, it has analysed a variety of genres e.g. plays, novels, newspaper articles, movie scenes and one man shows. The data chosen is mainly from dialogic texts. The unit of the analysis is the clause both free and bound i.e. independent and dependent, since it is these main clauses that serve as the domain of mood as defined by Halliday and Matthiessen (2004). The article at rare occasions covers minor clauses too, just to highlight the potential of the Arabic language or compare it to English and other languages. Finally, regarding the glossing of the examples in Arabic, it is based on the Leipzig glossing rules as they are quite useful in clarifying the way the interpersonal mood realizations are construed in Arabic.[4] The article will start immediately after this section with a general overview of the interpersonal structure of the clause in Arabic through the analysis of a verbal exchange in a dialogic text taken from a novel and then it will discuss the different types of Mood and their realizations in the sections after that.

3 The Arabic mood system: a dialogic sample

The following is an extract from a novel called A world without maps (Munif and Jabra 2004). All the extra details in the narrative which are used to dramatize the dialogic exchange have been removed for the sake of practicality. The exchange is a back and forth between two characters, it will be used to illustrate how Arabic construes mood options in a dialogic exchange.

(1)
ʾiġfir ḍuʿfī yāʿalāʾ …
forgive- imp:2msg to-me weakness.2msg-my.poss.gen o.voc alaa.nom
Predicator-(SBJ) Complement Complement Vocative
‘Forgive my weakness, Alaa …’
(2)
ʾaẖaftinī nāmī ʾalʾāna.
scare-3fsg:pfv-me.obj.gen sleep-imp:2fsg def-now.adv.acc
Predicator-(SBJ)-Complement Predicator-(SBJ) Adjunct
Mood Base Mood Base Residue
‘You scared me … Go to sleep now.’
(3)
ʾataʿrifu man ʾanā?
q.polar-2msg:ipfv-know who I
Negotiator Predicator-(SBJ) Complement Subject
Mood Base Mood Base
‘Do you know who I am?’
(4)
ʾanti ʾimraʾaẗun ʾaẖraǧtuhā min ʾaḥadi ʾaḥlāmī ʾalqadīmaẗi.
you indf.woman-fsg.nom pull out-1sg:pfv-her.obj.acc from indf.one-msg.gen dream-fpl.my.poss.gen def-old-fsg.gen
Subject Predicator-(SBJ)-Complement Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
Complement
Mood Base
‘You are a woman I pulled out of one of my old dreams.’
(5)
wa lakinnaka taʿrifu man ʾanā
and but-you neg 2msg:ipfv-know who I
(z) (z) Subject Neg Predicator Complement Subject
Mood Base Mood Base
‘But you don’t know who I am.’
(6)
ʾanti ʾimraʾaẗun ʾarādat ʾan tarā ʿayn faǧǧār …
you indf.woman-fsg.nom want-3fsg:pfv that 3fsg:sbjv-see ain fajjar
Subject Predicator-(SBJ) (z) Predicator-(SBJ) Complement
Mood Base Mood Base Residue
Complement
Mood Base
‘You are a woman who wanted to visit Ain-Fajjar …’
(7)
ʿalāʾ ʿalāʾ ʾa lam tafham baʿd?
alaa alaa q.polar neg 2msg:juss-understand yet-adv
Vocative Vocative Negotiator Neg Predicator-(SBJ) Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘Alaa, Alaa. Haven’t you understood yet?’
(8)
māḏā ʾafhamu hal tarakti ʿaqlan ʾafhamu bihi
q.what 1sg:ipfv-understand q.polar leave-2fsg:pfv to-me indf.brain-msg.acc 1sg:ipfv-understand with-he
Complement Predicator-(SBJ) Negotiator Predicator-(SBJ) Complement Predicator-(SBJ) Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
Complement
Residue Mood Base Mood Base Residue
‘Understand what? Have you left me a brain so I can understand?’
(9)
ʾa lam taʿrifnī baʿd
q.polar neg 2msg:juss-know-me.obj.gen yet.adv
Negotiator Neg Predicator-(SBJ)-Complement Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘Haven’t you recognized me yet?’
(10)
lam ʾaʿrifki
neg 1sg:juss-know-you.obj.3fsg.gen
Neg Predicator-(SBJ)-Complement
Mood Base
‘I haven’t.’
(11)
ʾanā ʾibnaẗu šihāb ẖālid ʾadham
I indf.daughter-fsg.nom shihab khalid adham
Subject Complement
Mood Base
‘I am the daughter of Shihab Khaled adham.’
(12)
hakaḏā! wa bihaḏihi ʾassurʿaẗi!
like-that.adv.acc and with-this.3fsg.gen def-speed-fsg.gen
Adjunct (z) Adjunct
Residue
‘Like that! And this fast!’
(13)
ʾanā mumaṯṯilaẗun ǧayyidaẗun ʾa- lastu kaḏalika?
I indf.actress-fsg.nom indf.good-fsg.adj.nom q.polar neg copula-i so.adv.acc
Subject Complement Negotiator NEGCOP-SBJ Adjunct
Mood Base Mood tag
‘I am a good actress, aren’t I?’
(14)
wa lakinnaki ġayru muqniʿaẗin
and but-you.3fsg.gen not indf.convincing-fsg.gen
(z) (z)-Subject Complement
Mood Base
‘But you are not convincing’
(15)
ġayru muqniʿaẗin? ʾa tadrī limāḏā?
not indf.convincing-fsg.gen q.polar 2msg:ipfv-know q.why
Complement Negotiator Predicator-(SBJ) Adjunct
Residue Mood Base Residue
‘Not convincing? Do you know why?’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 202–203)

The dialogic exchange above offers a comprehensive illustration of how Arabic congruently construes the declarative, interrogative and imperative. It contains different examples of speech functions, namely statement (e.g. Examples 4, 5, and 6), question (e.g. Examples 3, 7, and 8) and command (e.g. Examples 1 and 2). It sheds some light on the proto-typical elements in the clause that realize exchanges of information and goods-&-services. Generally speaking, in statements and questions, the declarative and interrogative structures of the clause include three elements that keep recurring and which form “the main block”. These elements are the Subject, “the Finite” and the Predicator. They are necessary for the realization of the statement, carrying the exchange forward and also giving the clause its negotiatory value. In the imperative clause only the Predicator is needed. However, since the Predicator is marked for Subject, this means that both are an integral part of construing the imperative.

The beginning of Example (2) shows the synthetic fusional nature of Arabic. It demonstrates how a clause can be just a single inflectional word denoting multiple syntactic/semantic features. In fact, just the very first word construes a clause by itself, it is made of a Predicator-(SBJ)-Complement ʾaẖaftanī (‘you scared me’). This characteristic is of particular importance and will come up later in the discussion about the Mood elements (cf. Section 4.2).

Another important point which will be discussed further in Section 5.1.2 is the role of intonation in construing the interrogative and the exclamative. In fact, the first segment in Example (15), which construes a polar interrogative and Example (12) which construes an exclamation are no different in terms of structure from Examples (10) or (11) which construe statements. Some of the clauses in both examples are elliptical but what they lack in words they make up for in intonation. Like in Spanish and French (cf. Teruya et al. 2007), the prototypical means of the realization of Mood types is intonation. The declarative is realized by a falling tone, the polar interrogative by a rising tone and so is the exclamative. Just for the sake of clarity, Example (12) construes mock surprise and disbelief not a typical exclamative. Saying that intonation is the prototypical means for prosodic expressions does not mean that it is the only means to construe these different Mood types. Like French (cf. Teruya et al. 2007), Arabic needs more than intonation at times to realize other types, for instance juncture prosody is essential in construing elemental interrogatives.

In regards to the clause as an interpersonal move, as mentioned above there is a block that is necessary in carrying the dialogic exchange forward. This block will be referred to as the Base or the Mood Base. This term is inspired by the work of classical Arabic grammarians, who state, as mentioned earlier (cf. Section 2), that each clause typically has a predicative nucleus which forms its backbone. This predicative nucleus is made of Subject or a Theme also called musnad ʾilayhi (‘attributed to’) and a verb/Rheme also called musnad (‘attribute or added to’). Both form what Arab grammarians called ʾalʿumda (‘the Base – the backbone’) of the clause. Everything else is called ʾalfaḍla ‘Residue’ (cf. Al-Istirbathi 1993; Al-Maliqi 2002; Al-Ukbari 1976; Assabti 1986; Assayyuti 1992; Ibn Assarraj 1985; Ibn Jinni 1957; Ibn Malek 1990; Ibn Yaaish n.d.). The extensive interpersonal structure of the Arabic clause typically consists of: [Negotiator] [Predicator 1-(SBJ)] [Subject] Predicator 2-(SBJ) [Complement] [Adjunct] as in Example (16).

(16)
lam takun hudā tazūrunā ẖilāla ʾalfatraẗi ʾalʾūlā baʿda ʾassiǧni.
neg 3fsg:juss-be huda-acc 3fsg:ipfv-visit-us.obj.acc during def-period-fsg.gen def-first-fsg.acc after def-prison-msg.gen
Neg Predicator 1 Subject Predicator 2-Complement Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘Huda didn’t use to visit us during the first period [her fiancé spent] in jail.’
(Munif 2001: 146)

Some of the terms which have been used in the description of other languages especially English will not be used in the description of Arabic. In fact, as Arabic is a different language from English, using the same terminology which is used in describing English will give a false impression that one is trying to force foreign concepts on a language that is inherently different. I am referring in particular to the ‘Finite’. In Arabic, the first verbal group exhibits characteristics that are different from those in other European languages (please cf. Caffarel’s description of French [1996]; Steiner and Teich’s description of German [2004]; the description of Spanish in Teruya et al. [2007] and Bardi’s description of Arabic [2008, 2022]). With the exception of kāna (and another handful of auxiliaries), the remaining verbal groups occurring in intial position, though instrumental in construing phase and modality, play a very limited role in construing time like their counter part say in French or Spanish. As to polarity, it is important to note that quite often it is either the first – Examples (17) and (20) – or the second verbal group – Examples (18) and (19) – that can be preceded by a negative particle (cf. Cantarino [1974: 108, 1975: 115]), unlike languages such as English for instance which mainly relies on the auxiliary/Finite to construe negation. The term Predicator is used in this description of Arabic instead because it is more neutral than Finite.

(17)
lam yakun [ġadāʾunā] yaḥtamilu ʾakṯara min ʿašri daqāʾiqa
neg 3msg:juss-be lunch-msg-our.poss.acc 3msg:ipfv-endure more of indf.ten-fsg.gen indf.minute-fpl.acc
Neg Predicator 1 [Subject] Predicator 2 Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘Our lunch lasted no more than 10 min.’
(Munif 2001: 43)
(18)
kānat [ʾummī] taḏkuru fī ʾalʾayyāmi ʾalʾaẖīraẗi ʾillā raǧab.
be-3fsg:pfv mother-fsg-my.poss.gen neg 3fsg:ipfv-mention in def-day-fpl.gen def-last-fsg.gen except rajab
Predicator 1 [Subject] Neg Predicator Adjunct Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘In her final days, my mum didn’t talk about anybody a part from Rajab.’
(Munif 2001: 77)
(19)
yaǧibu ʾan naʾẖuḏa binnaẓariyyāti.
3msg:ipfv-be-obligatory that neg 1pl:SBJV-take with-def-theory-fpl.gen
Predicator 1-(modal: obligation) (z) Neg Predicator 2-(SBJ) Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘We must not use theories.’
(Al-Haj Ahmed 2003: 16)
(20)
yaǧibu ʾan takūna fī ʾaydī ʾalluṣūṣi wa ʾalfasaqaẗi wa ʾalmuǧrimīna wa ġayri ʾalʿuqalāʾi.
neg 3msg:ipfv-be-obligatory that 3fsg:SBJV-be in indf.hand-fpl.gen def-thief-mpl.gen and def-degenerate-MPL.gen and def-criminal-mpl.acc and not def-mature-mpl.gen
Neg Predicator 1-(modal: obligation) (z) Predicator 2-(SBJ) Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘It must not fall in the hands of thieves, degenerates, criminals and immature.’
(Masud and Jumua 1991: 335)

The second verbal group in a verbal group complex is a lexical verb that construes the event. Not the first though, which typically construes modality, phase and temporality. Both predicators in this sense complement each other. While the first is lacking in terms of construing the event, the second is lacking in terms of construing modality and phase. To differentiate between both in this article, the first will be called Predicator 1 and the second Predicator 2. The term Negotiator refers to negative as well as polar interrogative particles, that is any particle that has a role in construing polarity and the interrogative (c.f. Bardi [2008] for more information about the negative particles in Arabic and their role in construing polarity, temporal values, modality viz. propositions and proposals in general).

To conclude, through the examples above one can see how speech functions are realized by different mood options, namely statement by the declarative, command by the imperative, and asking for information by the interrogative. Even though a part of the terminology is inspired by the work of medieval Arab grammarians, most of the work on the interpersonal metafunction is based on Halliday’s work. The next section will look into the interpersonal structure of the clause more thoroughly.

4 The interpersonal structure of the Arabic clause: a look from below

There are three main elements in the interpersonal structure of the clause responsible for carrying the exchange forward. Each plays a major role in the realization of the indicative mood (i.e. the declarative, interrogative and exclamative). These are the Subject, Predicator 1/(Finite equivalent) and Predicator 2. They constitute the backbone of the clause, what is called the “Mood Base” in this description of Arabic. All the other elements which fall outside this block constitute the “Residue”. Each of these main elements will be dealt with briefly below.

4.1 The Subject

The Subject can be realized by a nominal group as in Example (16) or (17), a free-standing pronoun as in Example (13) or as a cliticized pronoun attached to the verbal group as in Example (1) or (2). It can also be attached to a coordinating (*) or subordinating conjunction as in Example (5*). Looking from below, from the structural end of the system, it is difficult to define the Subject solely based on its positioning in the clause, as it can be located before the verb (SVO) or after it (VSO), or albeit less frequently towards the end of the clause (VOS) as in Example (21). This could be one of the reasons why Arab grammarians came up with two different ‘defining concepts’ when they tried to describe this role. They called the one in VSO clauses ʾalfāʿil (‘the doer’) and they called the other in SVO clauses ʾalmubtadāʾ (‘Theme’). Halliday’s theory in this sense solves centuries old notional conflict in the work of Arab grammarians as it manages to put all those notions within a cohesive paradigm.

(21)
ʾinnamā yaẖšā ʾAllaha min ʿibādihi ʾalʿulamāʾu.
indeed-that 3fsg:ipfv-fear Allah-acc from people-mpl-his.poss.gen def-scholar-mpl.nom
(z) Predicator Complement Adjunct Subject
Residue
Mood Base
‘Those truly fear Allah, among His Servants, who have knowledge.’
(The Noble Quran 35: 28) – Yusuf Ali’s translation.

An efficient way of defining Subject would be to adapt a “trinocular perspective as per the stratificational model of language” (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 119). However, as there is a difference in the way languages construe the clause, this notion may be applicable to some languages in a more straightforward manner than it is to others, especially when it comes to the view from below. As mentioned, Arabic has two major types of clause structures, namely VSO and SVO, a fact that puts Arabic in the group of languages whose Subject is hard to define, especially when looked at from below.

In SFG the view from round about consists of looking at the same elements in the clause but in different metafunctional surroundings. In English, for instance, Subject from round about is the element that combines with the Finite to form the Mood element in the interpersonal metafunction, and it is the same element that is the unmarked Theme in the textual metafunction. When this is applied to Arabic, Subject or ʾalmusnad ʾilayh would be that element which combines with the Predicator in a VSO clause to form the Mood element/the Base; it is equivalent to ʾalfāʿil and nāʾib ʾalfāʿil, depending on whether the clause is active or passive. But, unlike English, it is not the unmarked Theme in this context, but rather part of the Rheme as in Example (22) (cf. Bardi 2008). This means that in order to fully define Subject, the view from above needs to be considered too.

(22)
ǧāʾa ḥāmidu baʿda ʾalġurūbi bisāʿaẗin.
come-3msg:pfv hamid-nom after def-sunset-msg.gen by-indf.hour-fsg.gen
Predicator Subject Adjunct Adjunct
Mood Base Rheme
Theme Rheme
‘Hamed returned 1 h after sunset.’
(Munif 2001: 217)

From above, Halliday and Matthiessen (2004: 119): define Subject as the element that “carries modal responsibility, the responsibility for the validity of what is being predicated, stated, questioned, commanded or offered in the clause”. In Arabic, this is by far the best spot to look from to define what Subject is. In fact, in spite of structural variations, in all active clauses, the Subject remains semantically unaffected. Regardless whether the clause is verbal or nominal, the Subject is the one responsible for the validity of what is being stated, the one around whom what is being predicated revolves.

In cases where the passive is used, a participant other than the Agent – (the deputy-Agent in the Arab tradition) – is the one which has modal responsibility assigned to it. In clauses with more than one Complement, there may be a shift in focus depending on which Complement takes the place of the Subject. However, in spite of this shift, it is clear that the validity of what is being stated rests on just one element in the clause, the Subject. In conclusion, the Subject in Arabic is not associated with just one fixed position as for instance its English counterpart, it can occur in clause initial position, or somewhere in the clause after the verbal group.

Customizing the trinocular stratificational perspective to Arabic is the most optimal means in this endeavour to define Subject. Looking from below is helpful in recognizing the Subject (however it should not be totally relied upon). Looking from round about provides more focus. From this position, traditional Arab grammar could be of some help, especially in terms of the work carried out on predication. Although, the view from round about gets us closer to defining what Subject is, it is the view from above which remains by far the best position. In other words, semantics rather than structure or position should be relied upon in one’s attempt to define what Subject is. There is one final point I would like to add in conclusion. Arab grammarians call the Subject ʾalfāʿil and they also call it ʾalmusnad ʾilayh. I find the second term more neutral and more appropriate as it sums up the view from above in a fairly straightforward way.

4.2 The Finite versus the Predicator

The Predicator in Arabic is necessary in the realization of different mood options as well as in the negotiation process. It consists of a lexical verb realizing an event of doing, happening or being. It may conflate with the “Finite” as per Halliday and Matthiessen’s (2004) description of English when it is realized by a verbal group simplex as in Example (23).

(23)
ʿāda ʿiṣmatu ʾilā ǧawwi ʾalmaraḥi marraẗan ʾuẖrā.
3msg:pfv-return ismat.nom to indf.atmosphere-msg.gen def-fun-msg.gen indf.time-fsg.acc indf.other-fsg.acc
Predicator Subject Adjunct Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘Ismat went back to having a fun time one more time.’
(Munif 2001: 56)

When the verbal group is complex, the first element may play a role similar to the auxiliary in some of the European languages e.g. French and English. In these situations, this auxiliary-like element will be the key element in making the clause arguable. It has its infixed Subject, it controls the temporal value of the clause as a whole etc. In this clause type, the second constituent of the verbal group, which mostly plays a limited part in the construal of the clause as an interpersonal move, will consequently be a part of the Residue as in Example (24).

(24)
kānat rūḥī taḥtariqu maʿa ʾarrasāʾili.
3fsg:pfv-be soul.fsg-my.poss.gen 3fsg:ipfv-burn with def-letter-fpl.gen
My soul used to burn with the letters
Predicator 1 Subject Predicator 2 Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘My soul used to burn with the letters.’
(Munif 2001: 55)

There are some cases where the burden of construing the interpersonal meaning may be shared by more than one Predicator. In fact when the verbal group is quite complex (cf. serial verb constructions in Bardi [2008, 2022]), while the first Predicator construes the temporal value, the second may construe modality. The least important part of the verbal group in this case is typically separated from the rest of the verbal group by the particle ʾan and is treated as part of the residue as in Example (25).

(25)
lam nakun nastaṭīʿu ʾan nataǧawwala …
neg 1pl:juss-be 1pl:ipfv-able that 1pl:sbjv-wander
Neg Predicator 1-(SBJ)-temporal Predicator 2-(modal: ability) (z) Predicator3
Mood Base Residue
‘We were not able to take a walk …’
(Munif 2001: 79)

Table 1 is about the major systems related to finiteness within the domain of the verbal group and which may be realized by either Predicator 1 or Predicator 2 or by both.

Table 1:

Major systems at work at verbal group level.

system polarity temporal values (aspect + tense) mode voice
Features + realization Negative polarity is realized by a negative particle either before the auxiliary (Predicator 1) or before the event (Predicator 2) Perfective or imperfective realized by the form of the verb servings as event or the auxiliary-like verbal group operator. Time construed by particles and/or auxiliary-like verbal group (Predicator 1) and/or Event (Predicator 2). Indicative perfect or imperfect, jussive subjunctive imperative typically by a verbal group simplex (i.e. a Predicator) + particles Active/passive realized a Predicator.

4.3 The Complement

The Complement is typically an element in the clause that has the potential to be Subject (Halliday 1994). There are instances where it plays a major role in the clause and other instances where its role is not as important. Consequently, depending on this, there are times where it is part of the Mood Base and others where it is part of the Residue. Listed below are a few instances where the Complement should be treated as a part of the Mood base:

(1) When the Complement occurs in a fully nominal clause (NN),[5] it should be treated as a part of the block that carries the exchange forward as in Example (26).

(26)
ʾanā mumaṯṯilaẗun ǧayyidaẗun ʾa- lastu kaḏalika?
I indf.actress-fsg.nom indf.good-fsg.nom q.polar neg copula-I so.adv
Subject Complement Negotiator NEG-COP-(SBJ) Adjunct
Mood Base Mood Tag
‘I am a good actress, aren’t I?’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 203)

There are two points which Example (26) makes clear. First, how in these nominal clauses the meaning is incomplete and totally obscure without the Complement (I …). Second, in seeking confirmation about the statement she made, the female character uses a question tag which mainly consists of a negative copula (neg-cop) that is a verb-like negative word + an adverbial element. The use of the copula highlights an important fact about the nature of nominal clauses (cf. footnote 5). The example also gives an idea about Tags in Arabic, which typically are an invitation to agree (isn’t it so? or isn’t he/she/I/they so?). They are more similar to the French tag n’est ce pas? than the English one (Finite + Subject). In fact, tags in English rely on Mood Elements and are more of an attempt to get confirmation about the statement than an invitation to agree about the statement.

(2) The Complement may be construed by an affix – a pronoun tied to the verbal group. In this situation, the Complement becomes a part of the block responsible for carrying the argument forward. In fact, in arguing about the validity of the statement, the nominal group construing complement in the initial clause is often replaced by an affixed pronominal in the ensuing clause as in the short exchange below.

(27)
lam yaqtulū hādī ʾanta tatawahham!
neg neg 3mpl:juss-kill hedi you.2msg 3msg:ipfv-hallucinating
Neg Neg Predicator-(SBJ) Complement Subject Predicator
Mood Base Residue Mood Base
‘No, they haven’t killed Hedi. You are hallucinating!’
(Munif 2001: 142)
(28)
qatalū hu qatalū hu qatalū hu
kill-3mpl:pfv-obj-him.nom kill-3mpl:pfv-obj-him.nom kill-3mpl:pfv-obj-him.nom
Predicator-(SBJ)-Complement Predicator-(SBJ)-Complement Predicator-(SBJ)-Complement
Mood Base Mood Base Mood Base
‘They killed him … They killed him … They killed him …’
(Munif 2001: 142)

When the Complement is construed by a free-standing nominal group, it is part of the Residue as in Example (27). The reason is that its role then is less crucial in arguing about the validity of the statement than when it is construed by a pronominal form. Said form is typically tied to the verbal group, making them one component hard to split up. Languages with a synthetic fusional nature similar to Arabic have the potential to use different inflectional morphemes to represent a variety of syntactic and semantic features in one component.

To conclude, at its most basic the interpersonal structure of the clause responsible for carrying the exchange forward i.e. the Mood Base may be construed by just the Subject + the Predicator. The Predicator may be construed by a verbal group complex or simplex. When it is construed by a verbal group simplex the Predicator conflates with ‘the Finite’ and both construe the Mood Base. However, when the verbal group is complex, the Predicator is split into two elements i.e. Predicator 1 and Predicator 2. In this situation the Mood Base is construed by Subject + Predicator 1 which plays a role similar to that of the Finite in other languages such as English. The Mood Base may be construed by Subject and a Complement in polarity and temporality unmarked relational clauses. It may also be construed by one fused component viz. a Subject + a Predicator + a Complement (i.e. Predicator-(SBJ)-Complement). Table 2 is an attempt to account for the potential realization of different Mood types and the placement of different elements within these interpersonal clauses.

Table 2:

Mood types and their potential realization.

mood Possible realizations
Indicative
SVO (Subject) (Comment Adjunct) (Predicator 1) (Operator) (Predicator 2) (Complement) (Adjunct)
Declarative
VSO (Neg) (Predicator 1) (Subject) (Neg) (Predicator 2) (Complement) (Adjunct)
Elemental Q-word (Neg) Predicatora (Subject) (Complement) (Adjunct)
Interrogative
Polar (Q-Polar) (Neg)b Predicatora (Subject) (Complement) (Adjunct)
Exclamative c Exclamative particle Adjectival form/Complement Subject
Imperative
Negative Neg Predicatora (Complement) (Adjunct)
Positive Predicatora (Complement) (Adjunct)
  1. aPredicators in Arabic bear the mark of the Subject i.e. Predicator-(SBJ), which means that the Subject is always there even if it is not physically apparent. bNegative polar interrogative are possible only with one Q-Polar particle ʾa, with the other particle hal polarity is positive. As mentioned, the polar interrogative particle is optional, even in negative polar interrogative. cThe exclamative may be realized by just a statement with rising intonation. In these cases, the exclamative expresses surprise or astonishment rather than actual exclamation. Arab grammarians would treat the exclamative, as an SVO clause. They would argue that the adjectival form is an invariable perfect verb that takes the form of the verbal pattern ʾafʿala. They would treat the exclamative particle as a pronominal group which functions as Subject/Theme, the rest of the clause, that is the adjectival form, as a Predicate/Rheme and the nominal group (free standing)/pronominal form (bound) as a Complement (cf. Section 5.1.3).

The Parentheses are for elements which may not be there. Some are not essential, others are already present under a different form e.g. the Subject.

5 Mood types and their realizations in Arabic

The system of mood grammaticalizes speech functions. In Arabic like in many other languages, (cf. Caffarel et al. 2004; Teruya et al. 2007), the primary contrast in this system is between ‘indicative’ and ‘imperative’ that is the exchange of information (proposition) and the exchange of goods-&-services (proposal). Within the ‘indicative’ clauses, the main systemic contrast is between giving information which is enacted by the ‘declarative and demanding information which is enacted by the ‘interrogative’. As discussed earlier, from below Arabic may seem not to differentiate between most of the mood types. The imperative and the indicative for instance may start with a verbal group. A thematically marked imperative may even start with a nominal group similar to an indicative SVO clause. The position of the Subject and the verb i.e. grammatical prosody, which is essential in a language like English is not that relevant in Arabic. The realizations of mood types in Arabic is mainly prosodic that is realized by phonological prosody i.e. intonation/pitch movement. There is also juncture prosody which consists of mood particles occurring initially at the boundary of the clause (cf. Matthiessen 1995: 464) which is quite important in construing the elemental interrogative type. The sections below will discuss and highlight the variation and relevance of the different mood type realizations (cf. Figure 1 for a general idea about different mood systems in Arabic).

Figure 1: 
Primary mood systems in Arabic.
Figure 1:

Primary mood systems in Arabic.

5.1 The indicative

As just mentioned, within the ‘indicative’, the main systemic contrast is between giving information which is enacted by the ‘declarative and demanding information which is enacted by the ‘interrogative’.

5.1.1 The declarative

The declarative is the congruent realization of statements. A statement is one of four speech functions. The remaining three are offer, command and question. A statement can be either positive or negative. In Arabic statements may vary in structure, they can be SVO, VSO or NN (i.e. relational clauses unmarked for aspect or polarity).[6] This variation in clause structure is all about the way the speaker chooses to present information in a verbal exchange (cf. Bardi [2008] for more information).

Interpersonally, in spite of this SVO-VSO variation in structure, the ultimate function of a statement is giving information or responding to a request for information. As we mean through grammar, it should come as no surprise that the Mood Base is a dynamic unit which reflects what is going on in the clause as an interactive move. However, there are minor and major changes. For instance, notice the difference in the clause structure in the following two examples.

(29a)
ẖaraǧat ʾalkalimātu min ʾafwāhinā ṣalbaẗan.
come.out-3fsg:pfv def-word-fpl.nom from mouth.fpl-our.poss.acc indf.hard-fsg.acc
Predicator Subject Adjunct Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘The words came out of our mouths hard.’
(Munif 2001: 124)
(29b)
min ʾafwāhinā ʾalkalimātu ẖaraǧat ṣalbaẗan.
from mouth.fpl-our.poss.acc def-word-fpl.nom come.out-3fsg:pfv indf.hard-fsg.acc
Adjunct Subject Predicator Adjunct
Mood Base
Residue
‘Out of our mouths, the words came hard.’
(adapted from Munif 2001: 124)

At first look the clause structure may give the impression that these clauses are very different i.e. construing two different functions. However, when we look closer, it will become clear that although the order in which the elements of the Mood Base is different, both examples are construed by the same elements (Subject + Predicator). In Arabic, this means that ultimately the bottom line is the same and that the change in the form/structure, just signals a difference in focus, in what is deemed more news worthy (cf. Bardi [2008: Ch. 5] – the textual metafunction).

There are instances when the Mood Base would expand further and include an element in addition to the Subject + Predicator, i.e. typically a Complement. As mentioned, this element has the potential to be Subject and is often important in arguing about the validity of the clause as in Example (30).

(30)
dafaʿanī biyadin raqīqaẗin ʾamāmahu.
push-3msg:pfv-me-obj.gen with-indf.hand-fsg.gen indf.delicate-fsg.gen front-msg-his.poss.nom
Predicator-(SBJ)-Complement Adjunct Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘He gently pushed me in front of him.’
(Munif 2001: 110)

In discussing the elements that are part of the Residue, Arab grammarians made it clear that they were not referring to elements that are essential in terms of the completion of the meaning. They argued that there are instances when an Adjunct for example is necessary to complete the meaning of the clause. They argued that these elements are part of the Residue because the meaning can be construed without them (cf. Al-Samarrai 2000, 2007; Al-Sheikh 2009).[7] To make their point clear, they listed examples similar to Example (31).

(31)
tamši fī ʾalʾarḍi maraḥan
neg 2msg:ipfv-walk in def-earth-fsg.gen indf.exultant-msg.acc
Neg Predicator Adjunct Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘and walk not in the earth exultant’
(The Noble Quran 17: 37) – translation in Pickthall et al. (n.d.).

In Example (31), which by the way construes a proposal not a proposition, Arab grammarians argued that if we stop at the Subject + Predicator i.e. “Don’t walk”, the meaning would be incomplete or at least different from what is intended which proves that the Residue (more precisely the Adjunct in this case) is quite necessary in completing and clarifying the meaning; “Don’t walk overjoyed” not just “don’t walk”. However, it should still be treated as part of the Residue as there is more to the elements of the Mood Base than just clarifying/completing the meaning.

Finally, a statement may also be a metaphoric realization of other speech functions such as command as in Example (32).

(32)
yaǧibu ʾan nafʿala šayʾan.
3msg:ipfv-be.obligatory that 1pl:SBJV-do indf.thing-msg.acc
Predicator 1-(modal: obligation) (z) Predicator 2-(SBJ) Complement
Mood Base Residue
‘We have to do something.’
(Munif 2001: 152)

It is not because this and other points have not been mentioned in this section that they are not important. It is just that this article is just an overview (cf. Bardi [2008] for a more extensive idea about modality and the clause as an interpersonal move).

5.1.2 The interrogative

Interrogatives typically realize questions – demands for information. Questions can be either “polar” or “elemental”. “Polar” interrogatives are those in which the speaker would like to check the validity of a statement by seeking a “yes/no response”. Elemental interrogatives are those in which the speaker seeks to get some information about something – an entity, a place, a reason etc. Arabic has two ways of realizing the interrogative. The first is through the prosodic mode of expression – phonological prosody i.e. Tone contours. The second is through juncture prosody i.e. particles occurring at clause extremities – in case of Arabic typically in clause-initial position (cf. Matthiessen 1995: 462–465). The sections below will deal with the realization of both polar and elemental interrogatives.

5.1.2.1 Polar interrogative

Polar interrogatives are typically realized by an interrogative polar particle, either ?a or hal as in Examples (33) and (34). Although the presence of these mood particles is important in the realization of polar questions, their role remains quite limited in the enactment of the clause as a move in an exchange, especially if one compares them to the role of the other constituents of the Mood Base or even the constituents of the Residue. Their contribution to the interrogative aspect of the clause can also be compromised by the fact that the speaker can choose not to use them and still the clause can be interrogative, as in Example (35). Their peripheral role in Arabic seems to be reinforced even further by the fact that ?a, not hal though, can occur before the textual elements in the clause as in Example (36).

(33)
hal ʾaʿtabiru haḏā ʾiʿtirāfan?
q.polar 1sg:ipfv-consider this.dem.msg indf.confession-msg.acc
Negotiator Predicator-(SBJ) Complement Complement
Mood Base Residue
‘Should I consider this a confession?’
(Khal 2012: 109)
(34)
ʾa taḏkuru ǧumlaẗa fawwāz?
q.polar 2msg:ipfv-remember indf.sentence-fsg.acc fawwaz.gen
Negotiator Predicator-(SBJ) Complement
Mood Base Residue
‘Do you remember Fawwaz’s sentence?’
(Khal 2012: 171)
(35)
wa saʾalti ʿannī?
and ask-3fsg:pfv about-me
(z) Predicator-(SBJ) Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘And you asked about me?’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 337)
(36)
ʾa wa hakaḏā yaznā ʾaddahru bilʾamali ʾalbikri?
q.polar and like-that 3msg:ipfv-fornicate def-time-msg.nom with-def-hope-msg.gen def-virgin-msg.gen
Negotiator (z) Adjunct Predicator Subject Complement
Mood Base
Residue
‘Is this how time defiles new hope?’
(Al-Mesadi 2000: 120)

There are quite a few differences between ʾa and hal. The most relevant in this context is their interaction or in case of hal the lack thereof with negative particles (cf. Bardi [2008] for more information). Examples (37) and (38) show that while the negative particle is typically used with ʾa to construe a negative polar question. When it is used with hal the meaning changes from negative to incitement or blame depending on whether the ‘perfective’ or ‘imperfective’ are used. It is important to add that in MSA, especially in translated texts, hal may be used with a negative particle as in Example (39).

(37)
ʾa lam taksab mālan?
q.polar neg 2msg:juss-earn indf.money-msg.acc
Negotiator Neg Predicator-(SBJ) Complement
Mood Base Residue
‘Haven’t you earned money?’
(Al-Mesadi 2000: 189)
(38)
hallā ʾibtaʿadta ʿannī qalīlan
int-ptcle keep.away-2msg:pfv from-me.gen indf.little-msg.adv.acc
Negotiator Predicator-(SBJ) Adjunct/Complement Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘Would you keep away from me a little.’
(Fawzi 2019: 29)
(39)
hal tataqabbalu munāqašaẗa ʾaḥada zumulāʾika ḥawla ʾuslūbi ʿamalika?
q.polar neg 2msg:ipfv-accept indf.discussion-fsg.acc indf.one-msg.acc colleague-mpl-your.poss.2msg.acc about indf.style-msg.gen work-msg-your.poss.2msg.acc
Negotiator Neg Predicator-(SBJ) Complement Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘Do (not) you accept your colleagues’ question about your working style?’
(Abu Nasr 2017: 290)

Arabic does not require grammatical prosody i.e. any special ordering of words or particles in order to construe a question. Phonological prosody, “the prosodic mode of expression” (Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: 140), i.e. intonation and stress is all it takes to change a statement into a question. Intonation, which in the case of polar interrogatives is rising, is what makes the difference among the interrogative types and between the interrogative and declarative. Elemental interrogatives are quite different though.

5.1.2.2 Alternative interrogative

Instead of eliciting a response, alternative questions are interrogatives that typically offer two options to the listener to choose from. The options normally come at the end and are separated by ʾam or ʾaw ‘or’ as in Examples (40), (41), (42), and (43).

(40)
hal humā damʿatā ḥuznin ʾam faraḥin?
q.polar they indf.tear-fdu.acc indf.sadness-msg.gen or indf.joy-msg.gen
Negotiator Subject Complement (z) Complement
Mood Base
‘Are they tears of sadness or joy?’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 143)
(41)
hal turīdīna ʾan tašrabī ʾam ʾan tasbaḥī?
q.polar 2fsg:ipfv-want that 3fsg:sbjv-drink or that 3fsg:sbjv-swim
Negotiator Predicator-(SBJ) (z) Predicator-(SBJ) (z) (z) Predicator-(SBJ)
Mood Base
‘Do you want to drink or to swim?’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 53)
(42)
ʾa ʾaṣnaʿu ʾalqahwaẗa ʾalʾāna ʾaw baʿda ʾan taḥliqa?
q.polar 1sg:ipfv-make def-coffee-fsg.acc def-instant-adv.acc or after that 2msg:sbjv-shave
Negotiator Predicator-(SBJ) Complement Adjunct (z) (z) (z) Predicator-(SBJ)
Mood Base Residue Mood Base
‘Shall I make coffee now or after you shave?’
(Munif 2001: 100)
(43)
ʾalḥaqqu ʿalā man ʿalā ʾalḥayāẗ ʾam ʿalā ʾalbašar?
def-right-msg.msg on who on def-life-fsg.gen or on def-people-mpl.gen
Subject Complement Complement (z) Complement
Mood Base Residue
‘Who is to blame life or people?’
(Munif and Jabra 2004: 166)

While three of the four interrogatives above (Example 40, 41, and 42) start as polar the last Example (43) is elemental in the first half (the blame is on who?). Alternative questions are quite often elliptical and overall have their own prosodic/stress patterns, where stress is on the first option/alternative and the tone immediately rising on the second.

5.1.2.3 Elemental interrogative

According to Teruya et al. (2007: 877): “Many Languages, perhaps all, have some kind of Wh element operating in the interpersonal structure of the clause, but languages vary with respect to the range of transitivity functions, that it can be conflated with. In many languages, participants and circumstance functions can be queried, so they can be conflated with the Wh elements. In some languages, it is also possible to query the Process …”. In Arabic, elemental interrogatives are questions through which the speaker aims to get some information about a Subject or a Complement (a participant) or an Adjunct (a circumstance) but not a Process. Unlike polar interrogatives where the interrogative particle can be omitted as explained, elemental questions are characterized by the presence of an interrogative particle that varies according to the information sought by the speaker.

In regards to tone, elemental questions are characterized by stressing the question word which is at the beginning of the clause. Normally, tonicity which is elevated on the question word goes down as the speaker moves towards the end of the clause which is marked by a slight rise in tone. This is unlike what happens with polar interrogatives where the tone keeps rising from the beginning and is at its highest at the end. Tone is important in both types of question. It is often what makes the difference between the interrogative and the declarative.

Although elemental interrogative particles are similar to some extent to polar interrogative ones, (they are typically junctural i.e. both tend to be placed at the beginning of the clause), elemental interrogative particles have a different role in the interpersonal structure of the clause that especially depends on the kind of information the speaker means to get relating to a participant (serving as Subject or Complement) or a circumstance (serving as Adjunct). Consequently, they could be Adjuncts as in Example (44). As Adjuncts, they are part of the Residue of the clause. They can also be Complements as in Example (45). As Complements, they are part of the Residue as well, except in fully nominal clauses as in Example (47). Finally, some of them may occur as Subject as in Example (46). As Subject, such interrogative pronouns are a part of the Mood Base.

(44)
kayfa ʿarafti?
q.how know-2fsg:pfv
Adjunct Predicator-(SBJ)
Residue Mood Base
‘How did you know?’
(Munif 2001: 118)
(45)
fa- -māḏā samiʿta?
so q.what hear-2msg:pfv
(z) Complement Predicator-(SBJ)
Residue Mood Base
‘So what did you hear?’
(Al-Mesadi 1992: 45)
(46)
man sayuwaqqiʿu ʾalʾāna
q.who 3msg:fut-sign def-instant.adv.acc
Subject Predicator-(SBJ) Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘Who will sign now?’
(Munif 2001: 45)
(47)
wa man ʾanta?
and q.who you.2msg.acc
(z) Complement Subject
Mood Base
‘And who are you?’
(Al-Mesadi 2000: 130)

Elemental particles unlike polar ones may appear at the end of the clause as in Example (48), but this does not happen too often i.e. not the norm. It would thus appear that the unmarked principle for these particles is the same as in many other languages (but by no means all; see e.g. Matthiessen (2004): Wh/Theme).

(48)
ʾiḏnan yakūnu ḏalika matā?
so 3msg:ipfv-be that q.when
(z) Predicator Subject Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘So that will be when?’
(Al-Mesadi 2000: 43)

Textually, an interrogative clause in Arabic whether polar or elemental starts with a question word that may be a Negotiator i.e. hal or ʾa or a wh-word. Similarly, a positive imperative clause starts with the Negotiator li (cf. Section 5.2 below). The beginning of the clause is also where negative particles are placed. The fact that these elements are placed in initial position shows that in Arabic as in many other languages (cf. Matthiessen 1995) they are assigned information focus but not of the marked type. It is important to add that while the wh-word construes a topical Theme, the interrogative element in a polar interrogative question construes an interpersonal Theme as in Examples (49) and (50).

(49)
hal ʾaʿtabiru haḏā ʾiʿtirāfan?
q.polar 1sg:ipfv-consider dem-this.msg.acc indf.confession-msg.acc
Negotiator Predicator-(SBJ) Complement Complement
Mood Base
Interpersonal Topical Rheme
Theme
Shall I consider this a confession?
(Khal 2012: 109)
(50)
matā ʿudta min ʾafġānistān?
when come.back-2msg:pfv from afghanistan
Adjunct Predicator-(SBJ) Adjunct
Mood Base
Residue
Theme Rheme
‘When did you come back from Afghanistan?’
(Khal 2012: 106)
5.1.2.4 The Mood tag

The Mood tag in Arabic is the same whether the clause is verbal (Example 51) or nominal (Example 52). The same tag ʾalaysa kaḏalika ‘isn’t that so?’ is used for nominal and verbal clauses regardless of polarity i.e. whether the clause is positive or negative, compare Examples (52) and (53). In Example (54), the negative copula has a Subject pronoun attached to it, which makes it slightly different from the aforementioned tag. The clause in Example (54) can take the same tag i.e. ʾalaysa kaḏalika, but by choosing to use ʾalaysat kaḏalika, the speaker has slightly altered the focus of the tag from the fact itself to the participant, that is from isn’t that so? to isn’t ‘she/it’ so?.

(51)
sanarā ʾašyāʾan laḏīḏaẗan ʾalaysa kaḏalika?
1pl:fut-see indf.thing-fpl.acc indf.delicious-fsg.acc q.polar negcop-3msg also
Predicator-(SBJ) Complement Mood tag/Negotiator
Mood Base Residue
‘We’ll see some yummy things, isn’t that so?’
(Mahfudh 2016: 72)
(52)
ʾismuka ḥasan ʾibrāhīm ʾalaysa kaḏalika?
name-msg-your.poss.2msg.acc hasan ibrahim q.polar negcop-3msg also
Subject Complement Mood tag/Negotiator
Mood Base
‘Your name is Hasan Ibrahim, isn’t that so?’
(Mahfudh 2015: 378)
(53)
ʾAllahu yuḥibbu ʾaẓẓulma, ʾalaysa kaḏalika?
Allah.nom neg 3msg:ipfv-love def-injustice-msg.acc q.polar negcop-3msg also
Subject Neg Predicator Complement Mood tag/Negotiator
Mood Base Residue
‘Allah doesn’t like injustice, isn’t that so?’
(Basiuni 2018: 239–240)
(54)
ḥayātī hādiʾaẗun wa ʾāminaẗun … ʾalaysat kaḏalika?
life-fsg-my.poss.gen indf.quiet-fsg.nom and indf.secure-fsg.nom q.polar negcop-3fsg also
Subject Complement Mood tag/Negotiator
Mood Base
‘My life is quite and secure, isn’t it so?’
(Hashim 2006: 21)

To conclude this section, it is clear from the examples above that the Mood tag in Arabic is more similar to the Mood tag in French, Japanese or German than that in English. Similar in the sense that the Mood tag in those languages is “some invariant expression” rather than a replay of the Mood element as is the case in English (Matthiessen 2004: 551). In terms of constituency, the Mood tag in Arabic is realized by a Negotiator: Yes/no interrogative particle = ʾa + a negative copula laysa + a conjunctive type of adverbial kaḏalika (‘so/like this’). It is similar to the French Mood tag n’est ce pas?, as both are typically invariable and are in the negative, whereas the tag in English varies according to the Mood element inside the main clause and is either negative or positive in terms of polarity depending on the Mood element in the main clause (Matthiessen 2004).

5.1.3 The exclamative

The exclamative in Arabic is one of the minor clauses. It is typically used to express wonder and astonishment. It is covered in this article albeit briefly because of its a-typical structure. Although said structure is quite similar to that of the interrogative (cf. Section 5.1.2), it actually functions more as a statement as it supplies information. The exclamative clause starts with an invariable particle, followed by an adjectival form, followed by a nominal or pronominal form. Arab grammarians treat the invariable particle as a Theme, the adjectival form as verbal because it is derived from the verbal pattern ʾafʿala and they treat the noun that follows as a Complement as in Example (55a). Actually, the particle is more of a quantifier than an invariable element. Semantically it makes more sense to treat what follows as an adjectival form ‘Complement’ followed by a noun ‘Subject’ as in Examples (55b) and (56). Tonic prominence in this clause is placed on the adjectival form, that is the centre of the clause when the clause is at its simplest or at the beginning (i.e. right after the exclamative particle).

(55a)
ʾaǧmala ʾalʾayyāma ʾalmāḍiyyaẗa!
how indf.most.beautiful-fsg.acc def-day-fpl.acc def-past-fsg.acc
Subject/Theme Predicator Complement
Mood Base Residue
‘How beautiful the past days were!’
(Mahfudh 1961: 20)
(55b)
ʾaǧmala ʾalʾayyāma ʾalmāḍiyyaẗa!
how indf.most.beautiful-fsg.acc def-day-fpl.acc def-past-fsg.acc
Adjunct Complement Subject
Residue Mood Base
‘How beautiful the past days were!’
(Mahfudh 1961: 20)
(56)
ʾaqalla ṣabraka!
how indf.little-msg.acc patience-msg-your.poss.2msg.acc
Adjunct Complement Subject
Residue Mood Base
‘How small your patience is!’
(Al-Mesadi 1992: 56)

Although quite frequently used, this is not the only “unusual” clause in Arabic that construes the exclamative. There are others as in Example (57). The clause in Example (57) is construed by a ‘calling’ particle ‘ô’ followed by two prepositional phrases. The first is a pronominal form construing the “topic” of the exclamation attached to a preposition e.g. lahu (‘to him’) or laka (‘to you’) etc. The second is a preposition min (‘of’) + a noun, as in Example (57). The noun typically clarifies what is distinctive about the topic of the exclamation – min murāʾin (‘of a hypocrite’). Some grammarians treat the clause as elliptical.

(57)
laka min murāʾin!
o to-you.2msg.acc of indf.hypocrite.msg.gen
(z) Adjunct Adjunct
Residue
‘What an hypocrite you are!’
(Mahfudh 2016: 18)

5.2 The imperative

The imperative in Arabic is used for commands in two different ways. The first is to dispense orders and the second as an optative type, used in prayers. The difference between the two is in the status of the speaker and addressee. While, in giving orders, the speaker has more authority, in prayers, the opposite is true.

In Arabic, cf. Example (58), the Predicator in a clause that is ‘imperative’ in mood is realized by a verbal group that is ‘imperative’ in mode when the polarity is ‘positive’ or a verbal group that is ‘jussive’ in mode when the polarity is either ‘negative’ – Example (59) or positive, Example (60).

(58)
ʾibḥaṯ ʾawwalan ʿan ṭarīqin mustaqīmin …
search-imp:2msg indf.first-msg.acc for indf.road-msg.gen indf.straight-msg.gen
Predicator-(SBJ) Adjunct Complement
Mood Base Residue
‘First look for an honest way …’
(Mahfudh 1961: 16)
(59)
taẖruǧ ʿan mawḍūʿi ʾalbinti
neg go.out-imp:2msg from indf.topic-msg.gen def-girl-fsg.gen
Neg Predicator-(SBJ) Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘Don’t leave the topic of the girl’
(Mahfudh 1961: 13)
(60)
ʾiǧlisī wa linataḥaddaṯ fī hudūʾin …
sit.down-imp:2fsg and imp ptcle-1pl:juss-talk in indf.quiet-msg.gen
Predicator-(SBJ) (z) mood ptcle Predicator-(SBJ) Adjunct
Mood Base Mood Base Residue
‘Sit down and let’s talk calmly.’
(Mahfudh 1961: 121)

In general, all these options exhibit a similar intonation pattern to the imperative mode when expressing a command. The imperative which is realized by a falling tone and in which the verbal group is the most salient element in terms of tonicity has a more limited system of person than the indicative. The verbal group in the imperative is marked mainly in terms of addressee subjects i.e. ‘you’. Arabic differentiates between five types of addressee subjects. These are masculine singular: ʾanta, feminine singular: ʾanti, feminine/masculine dual: ʾantumā, masculine plural: ʾantum and feminine plural: ʾantunna. In the imperative mode, which construes positive command, the system of person is exclusive as in Example (61). In contrast, the jussive mode can be used either in negative command which is typically exclusive as in Example (62) or in positive command which is rather inclusive as in Example (63). The Mood Base of the imperative mood is made of the Predicator and an infixed-Subject mark when it is construed by the imperative mode. The one construed by the jussive, on the other hand, is made of either lā ʾannāhiya or lām ʾalʾamr + Predicator + Subject mark.

(61)
ʾiqraʾ biṣawtin ʿālin
read-imp:2msg with-indf.voice-msg.gen indf.loud-msg.gen
Predicator-(SBJ) Adjunct
Mood Base Residue
‘Read with a loud voice’
(Munif 2001: 45)
(62)
taqul ḏalika
neg say-imp:2msg that.
Neg Predicator-(SBJ) Complement
Mood Base Residue
‘Don’t say that’
(Mahfudh 1982: 133)
(63)
fa- lnuʾaǧǧil ḥadīṯa ʾaḏḏikrayāti
so imp ptcle-1pl:juss-postpone indf.talk-msg.acc def-memory-fpl.gen
(z) mood ptcle Predicator-(SBJ) Complement
Mood Base Residue
‘Let’s postpone talking about memories.’
(Mahfudh 1982: 7)

The system of finiteness in a positive imperative clause is limited compared to its counterpart in a declarative clause due to the fact that the verbal group in the imperative mode has a default temporal reference which is very limited. It is more developed, however, when the clause is construed by a negative or positive jussive mainly because of polarity rather than the temporal value it construes, which in the case of the jussive is still very limited too.

6 Conclusion

In Arabic, speech functions are realized by different mood options, namely statements by the declarative, commands by the imperative, and asking for information by the interrogative. Both the declarative and interrogative include three major elements necessary to carry forward the negotiation process. These are the Subject, auxiliary like verbal group (Predicator 1/Finite), and Predicator. The imperative, however, is slightly different from the declarative, although it too consists of a Predicator with a bound or infixed Subject marker. In Arabic, whether the clause is declarative or imperative, the Predicator bears the mark of the Subject, which varies in terms of number [viz. singular, dual, or plural] and gender [viz. masculine or feminine]). In terms of finiteness, the focus is modal rather than temporal or other when the clause typically enacts a strong demand for goods-&-services and not an exchange of information. Finally, prosody plays an important part in exchanges which are basically realizations of mood choices. It is through intonation i.e. tone (pitch contour), that in Arabic, one can tell the difference between a statement, a command or a question especially since inversion or (grammatical prosody) does not apply to Arabic where word order is similar both in the interrogative and declarative. In fact, as the structure of the declarative clause is either VSO or SVO, as discussed, it is prosody rather than word order that makes the difference between clause types. Matthiessen (2004) has frequently pointed out that grammatical prosody is an “exotic” feature, which is quite rare and that most languages construe these distinctions in speech functions differently.

To conclude, “the interpersonal system of mood of every languages [sic] has evolved together with and in the environment of, the experiential system of transitivity and the textual systems of theme and information. It interacts with both: the interpersonal structure of the clause is organised textually and it gives interpersonal value to the transitivity structure of the clause” (Teruya et al. 2007: 877). In Arabic, as demonstrated above, this interaction is manifested through the fact that interpersonal elements of the negotiatory type are placed in initial position and as such are assigned considerable information focus. Experientially, the interaction is manifested mainly in the way elemental questions are construed i.e. how question words conflates with transitivity roles (cf. Bardi 2008).


Corresponding author: Mohamed Ali Bardi, UNSW College, The University of New South Wales, Kensington, NSW, Australia, E-mail:

Funding source: The FH Dean’s Reserve for International Research Collaboration, Hong Kong Polytechnic University

Award Identifier / Grant number: grant number 1-ZVB4

  1. Research funding: This work was supported by the FH Dean’s Reserve for International Research Collaboration, Hong Kong Polytechnic University (grant number 1-ZVB4).

Appendix: List of abbreviations

1

first person

2

second person

3

third person

acc

accusative

cond

conditional

cop

copula

def

definite (article)

dem

demonstrative

du

dual

emph

emphatic

f

feminine

fut

future

gen

genitive

imp

imperative

indf

indefinite (article)

int

interpersonal

ipfv

imperfective

juss

jussive

m

masculine

mod

modal

neg

negative

nom

nominative

nmlz

nominalization

obj

object

pass

passive

pfv

perfective

pl

plural

poss

possessive

ptcle

particle

q

question particle

sbjv

Subjunctive

sg

singular

voc

vocative

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Received: 2023-01-10
Accepted: 2024-07-13
Published Online: 2024-10-02
Published in Print: 2024-12-17

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