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R̥gvedic depictive adjectival compounds and their functions

  • Paul Widmer EMAIL logo and Salvatore Scarlata
Published/Copyright: March 7, 2022

Abstract

The present study provides a survey of the semantics of depictive (in a broad sense, including circumstantials) adjectival compounds in Vedic Sanskrit. Following the typology of depictive constructions developed by Himmelmann & Schultze-Berndt (2005), we structure our classification along the semantic fields that such expressions tend to occur in. Our results show that in Vedic, the use of depictive adjectival compounds spans (almost) the whole gamut of functions reported for depictives in cross-linguistic studies. In Vedic, depictive compounds rank on a par with other strategies of non-finite event elaboration such as participles, verbal adjectives, and action nouns.

1 Introduction

Ancient Indo-European languages, and Vedic Sanskrit in particular, are well-known for their propensity to use agreeing adjectival expressions to convey adjunct semantics as already acknowledged by Delbrück (1893–1900: 1, 453):

Häufig finden wir, namentlich in den älteren Phasen der indogermanischen Sprachen, den adjektivischen Ausdruck, wo wir Modernen es vorziehen, dem Verbum durch einen adverbialen oder präpositionalen Ausdruck eine Ergänzung hinzuzufügen. [Often, especially in ancient Indo-European languages, we find an adjectival expression where modern languages prefer to add a modification to the verb through an adverbial or prepositional expression.]

To illustrate Delbrück’s observation, in (1a) the comitative expression, which modifies the event, takes the adjective suffix -vant- and agrees in number with the participant (2du, indexed on the verb). In (1b) an alternative comitative construction, the comitative expression índra-, lacks adjectival properties and takes the instrumental case instead.

(1)
a.
mitrā́-váruṇa-vant-ā utá dhárma-vant-ā gachathaḥ
Mitra-Varuṇa-adjz-nom.du and law-adjz-nom.du go:prs.2du
You two go together with Mitra and Varuṇa and by their statutes …’ (RV 8.35.13ab)
b.
índreṇa yujā́ nír apā́m aubjaḥ arṇavám
Indra:ins.sg fellow:ins.sg down water:gen.pl force:ipfv.2sg flood:acc.sg
‘You forced out the flood of waters together with Indra as your mate’
(RV 2.23.18cd)

In other contexts mitrā́váruṇavant- can be used as an adnominal modifier as well, and so can any other adjective by definition. For example, both āśávaḥ in (2a) and āśúm in (2b) from āśú- ‘quick, swift’ agree with árvantaḥ ‘horse’ and árvantam ‘horse’ in number, gender, and case, but they differ with respect to the constituent they modify: attributive āśúm modifies the noun it agrees with, while āśávaḥ, much like mitrā́váruṇavantā in (1a), modifies the verb rather than the noun whose number, gender, and case specifications it shares.

(2)
a.
tásya íd árvantaḥ raṁhayante āśávaḥ
dem.gen.sg emph horse:nom.pl.m run:prs.3pl swift:nom.pl.m
‘it is his horses that run swiftly
(RV 8.19.6a)
b.
sómaḥ árvantam āśúm dadāti
soma:nom.sg.m horse:acc.sg.m swift:acc.sg.m give:prs.3sg
‘Soma bestows a swift horse.’
(RV 1.91.20ab)

For describing adjectives such as the comitative expression mitrā́váruṇavantā in (1a) or the manner expression āśávaḥ in (2a) we follow the approach taken by Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt (2005: 26) and use the term Depictives in the broad sense (depictive b.s . for short), a cover term for depictives proper and circumstantial secondary predications. As for the semantic relations of depictivesb.s., Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt (2005: 27–50, summarized in Fig. 1.1, p. 29) list, based on a cross-linguistic study, over 20 distinct functions, including concomitance (= comitative), manner, posture, benefactive, purpose, intention, etc.

In the realm of Vedic depictivesb.s., adjectival compounds are of particular interest because they are abundantly used and add another level of syntactic complexity in event elaboration. The relevance of this class of compounds in the conceptualization of events was long ago pointed out by Schroeder,[1] a strand of research that has gained traction in recent years (Casaretto 2020; Scarlata and Widmer 2020; Sommer 2017; Widmer and Scarlata 2017).

Building on these findings, the present article has the modest aim to explore and chart in a preliminary way the functional domains of R̥gvedic adjectival compounds when used as depictivesb.s.. To do so, we first discuss possible cues that help to distinguish between attributive and depictiveb.s. use of adjectival compounds on morphosyntactic grounds (Section 2). A preliminary list of semantic relations expressed by depictiveb.s. adjectival compounds is presented in Section 3, along with one example per relation; full philological discussion of many examples is available in a separate data appendix. Section 4 sums up and discusses the main results and implications of the present investigation.

2 Attributive versus depictiveb.s. use

Adjectival compounds assume a wide variety of functions at different syntactic levels, in particular adnominal attributes or depictivesb.s., and in a given context, it is oftentimes difficult to tell levels of attachment and functions apart because of the lack of unequivocal morphosyntactic and prosodic clues. Therefore, interpretation heavily relies on pragmatics and context, but this often leads to disputable results, since our understanding of the R̥gvedic world and its religious system is far from being comprehensive. In case of doubt, most translators opt for uncontroversial solutions by leaving potential semantic relations unexpressed. This practice often results in superficial word-by-word translations that gloss over content-related issues. However, recent scholarship has made it clear that there are indeed subtle morphosyntactic clues that sometimes help to distinguish between uses (Casaretto 2020, Section 1.1; Casaretto and Reinöhl, in press). This is an important finding because it shows that the distinction between depictive and adnominal use of adjectives is not a mere artefact of interpretation and translation. We will discuss three morphosyntactic and syntactic distinctions in the following subsections.

2.1 Marking of attribution on the adjective with -

Occasionally, attributive use of adjectival compounds is signaled by the presence of a pronominal yá-. In (3) the compound pr̥thu-pā́jasaḥ ‘with broad flanks’ is separated from the noun it agrees with, áśvāḥ ‘horses’, by another constituent, híraṇya-varṇām. pr̥thu-pā́jasaḥ is followed by the relative pronominal that agrees in number, gender, and case with pr̥thu-pā́jasaḥ (and áśvāḥ). The pronominal yá- syntactically links the constituent it combines with to the head of an NP and blocks a non-attributive reading. híraṇya-varṇām, on the other hand, admits of both an attributive (‘you, who have golden gleaming’) and a depictiveb.s. reading; we opt for a depictive interpretation in the translation of (3).

(3)
ā́ tvā j vahantu su-yámāsaḥ áśvāḥ i
hither 2sg.acc drive:imp.3pl well-control:nom.pl.m horse:nom.pl.m
híraṇya-varṇām j [ pr̥thu-pā́jasaḥ i ]
golden-color:acc.sg.f broad-flank:nom.pl.m rel.nom.pl.m
‘Let your horses, which are easy to control and which have broad flanks,
convey you hither in your golden gleam!’
(RV 3.61.2cd)

This usage of yá- is well attested and also well described (Benveniste 1957; Gonda 1954; Haudry 1973; Lehmann 1984; Porzig 1923; Seiler 1960). In Rießler’s (2016: 43–44) terminology the constituent pr̥thu-pā́jasaḥ yé follows an anti-construct state agreement marking pattern, i.e. the compound receives a marker that signals that the compound is a constituent of a noun phrase and the marker indexes referential and grammatical properties of the unit’s head.

2.2 Case assignment

Under special conditions, depictivesb.s. are treated differently from attributes as far as case assignment is concerned. For example, the compound pr̥thu-yāman in (4) agrees in number, gender, and case with the vocative duhitar ‘daughter’.

(4)
sā́ naḥ ā́ vaha-
dem.nom.sg.f 1pl hither convey:imp.2sg-
pr̥thu-yāman r̥ṣve
broad-course:voc.sg(.f) lofty:voc.sg.f
rayím divaḥ duhitar iṣayádhyai
wealth:acc.sg heaven:gen.sg daughter:voc.sg(.f) prosper:inf
‘Convey wealth here for us to prosper, high Daughter of Heaven with your broad course.’
(Jamison and Brereton 2014: II, 863) (RV 6.64.4cd)

Full agreement in number, gender, and case formally signals that the compound is syntactically a constituent of the vocative phrase; it is not part of the clause and cannot therefore assume any function at clausal level.

In (5) things are different: deváḥ agrees with jātavedaḥ, the participant it relates to, in number and gender, but not in case. This agreement behavior disambiguates deváḥ from a syntactic point of view indicating that while referring to jātavedaḥ it enters a semantic relation at clause level rather than being an adnominal attribute.

(5)
deváḥ devā́n yajasi jātavedaḥ
god:nom.sg.m god:acc.pl sacrifice:2sg.prs Jātavedas(m):voc.sg
as a god you sacrifice to the gods, o (Agni) Jātavedas’
(RV 10.110.1b)

Within the clause, the relation between deváḥ and the subject is established by deváḥ taking the nominative case. The conflicting person value on the agreement target yajasi (2sg) makes it clear that deváḥ (3sg) doesn’t bear the subject relation to the predicate, but by associative agreement (cf. Bickel and Nichols 2007: 234–235) it enters, in this case, into a different, depictiveb.s. relation with the subject that is represented on the verb.[2] For further examples of associative agreement involving depictiveb.s. compounds see (12), (17), (20), (22), (25).

However, in Vedic only arguments in the nominative case are indexed on the verb. Verbal agreement itself is therefore of limited use and not applicable for detecting depictive relations with constituents that are assigned a case other than the nominative, for instance the accusative (18) or the dative (16).

2.3 Word order

In metrical texts, placement of compounds at the left or right periphery of clauses and/or metrical units indisputably displays an affinity for depictiveb.s. use. This is illustrated in (6) where the compounds a-pā́t and a-hastáḥ occupy the beginning of both the stanza and the clause; in (7) and (8) the compound is placed at the end of the Pāda and/or the clause.

(6)
a-pā́t a-hastáḥ apr̥tanyat índram
neg-foot:nom.sg neg-hand:nom.sg fight:ipfv.3sg Indra:acc.sg
Although he had no feet nor hands, he gave battle to Indra.’[3]
(RV 1.32.7a)
(7)
ā́ sū́ryaḥ yātu saptá-aśvaḥ
hither sun:nom.sg drive:imp.3sg seven-horse:nom.sg
‘The sun-god shall drive hither with his seven horses!’
(RV 5.45.9a)
(8)
vāyav-yàm śvetám ā́ labheta bhū́ti-kāmaḥ
Vāyu-adjz.acc.sg white:acc.sg seize:opt.mp.3sg prosperity-wish:nom.sg
‘He should seize a white (animal as sacrificial victim) for Vāyu,
if he longs to be the way he wishes.’[4]
(TS 2.1.1.1)

The material studied in Casaretto (2020: 28–34) corroborates this observation. It must be emphasized, however, that much of our knowledge of Vedic word order is still as incomplete and intuitive as it was back in Delbrück’s times (Delbrück 1888: 15).

The relative linear order of adjectival expression and its head has been brought up by Delbrück (1878). He tentatively suggests that if the agreeing modifier follows the modified noun it is intended to express an ancillary predication similarly to a participle (Delbrück 1878: 36). As for adjectives placed after the verb he explicitly states: “Das Adjectivum ist so viel werth wie ein Nebensatz, und darin liegt der Grund der Sonderstellung.” [Functionally, the adjective corresponds to a subordinate clause, and therein lies the reason for its special placement.] (Delbrück 1878, 54–55). Unfortunately, the ideas Delbrück developed at the time remain rather sketchy and have never been put under rigorous empirical scrutiny, and it is far from certain that Delbrück’s syntactic description of Vedic prose holds true for the language of metrically bound texts as well. More work needs to be carried out in this domain; the increasing availability of syntactically annotated text (e. g. Hellwig et al. 2020) will considerably enhance this strand of research.

3 Functional domains of Vedic compounds

In this section we summarize the various functions R̥gvedic compounds assume when not used as attributes or appositions. Function labels are assigned according to Schultze-Berndt and Himmelmann (2004), Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt (2005), and for each relation we provide an example from the R̥gveda. Given that many aspects of the Vedic world and its religious beliefs and practices are still unclear, we have aimed at selecting instances that are maximally clear and on whose interpretation Vedic scholarship tends to agree. Most importantly, the list we provide in this section is by no means meant to be exhaustive, nor do we claim that the interpretations we favour are beyond dispute. We see it as a starting point, and incentive, for further research.

For the sake of brevity, we present the material without discussion. All examples adduced in this section are extensively commented on in a separate data appendix, to which we refer the reader for a comprehensive documentation (available at https://gitlab.uzh.ch/paul.widmer/vedic-depictives).

For organisational rather than ontological reasons we basically follow Schultze-Berndt and Himmelmann (2004), Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt (2005) and distinguish the following three major functional domains along syntactic and pragmatic dimensions.

  • Depictives proper: depictivesb.s. that express mental or emotional conditions, posture and configuration, manner, comparison, function and role, life stage, quantification and order, concomitance and association, location and direction, time and atmospherical conditions (Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt 2005: 30–40).

  • Asserted states of affairs: depictivesb.s. that very much like converbs, participles, and event nominals express asserted simultaneous, anterior, or subsequent states of affairs relative to the matrix predication (Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt 2005: 40–42; Schultze-Berndt and Himmelmann 2004: 98–106).

  • Presupposed states of affairs: depictivesb.s. that express states of affairs which are not part of the assertion, but rather convey information which is presupposed (e.g. temporal, causal, concessive, conditional relations).

In addition, the data appendix discusses examples of adjectives including some compounds in resultative function, a notion that is often expressed by complex predicates (Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt 2005: 4).

3.1 Depictive use of compounds

For 12 out of 19 depictive functions considered by Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt (2005: 28) in their “tentative map”, we find evidence in the ambit of R̥gvedic adjectival compounds.

3.1.1 Life-stage/time

(9)
= (31)[5] saṃvátaḥ náva-jātaḥ tuturyāt
dem.nom.sg.m barrier:acc.pl new-born:nom.sg cross_over:prf.opt.3sg
‘He (= Agni) might already cross barriers when still newborn.’
(RV 5.15.3c

3.1.2 Concomitance

(10)
= (32) stotrám índraḥ marúd-gaṇaḥ
praise_song:acc.sg.n Indra:nom.sg.m Marut-horde:nom.sg.m
tváṣṭr̥-mān mitráḥ aryamā́ |
Tvaṣṭr-adjz.nom.sg.m Mitra:nom.sg.m Aryaman:nom.sg.m
imā́ havyā́ juṣanta naḥ ||
dem.acc.pl.n oblation:acc.pl.n enjoy:inj.mp.3pl 1pl.gen ||
‘Indra, squired by the horde of the Maruts, along with Tvaṣṭar, (then) Mitra, Aryaman shall enjoy the praise song, these oblations of ours.’
(RV 6.52.11)

3.1.3 Association

(11)
= (33) tigmá-āyudhaḥ ajayat śátrum índraḥ
sharp-weapon: nom.sg defeat:ipfv.3sg opponent:acc.sg Indra:nom.sg
With his sharp-edged weapon he defeated his opponent: Indra.’
(RV 2.30.3d)

3.1.4 Manner

(12)
= (34) raghu-pátvānaḥ prá jigāta bāhúbhiḥ
swift-flying:nom.pl forth go:imp.2pl limb:ins.pl
‘Move on flying swiftly (o Maruts), using your limbs!’
(RV 1.85.6b)

3.1.5 Location

(13)
= (35) barhi[ṣ]-ṣádaḥ svadháyā sutásya
Barhiṣ-sit:nom.pl.m rel.pl.m  self_rule:ins.sg.f pressed:gen.sg.m
bhájanta pitváḥ ihá ā́gamiṣṭhāḥ
share:inj.mp.3pl food:gen.sg.m dem.pl.m here come_hither:sup.nom.pl.m
‘(The forefathers), who, (when) seated on the Barhis , share (there) in accordance with their very own condition in the pressed (Soma), in the food, they are (those), who come most often hither (to our sacrifices).’
(RV 10.15.3cd)

3.1.6 Frequency

There are no good examples for compounds used as secondary predicates in this functional domain. Following some translators an example might be:

(14)
= (36) pári tri-dhā́tuḥ adhvarám
around three-part:nom.sg ceremonial_course:acc.sg
jūrṇíḥ eti návīyasī
firebrand:nom.sg.f go:prs.3sg new:cpr.nom.sg.f
‘A newer firebrand goes around the ceremonial course three times.’
(Jamison and Brereton 2014: II, 1167) (RV 8.72.9ab)

3.1.7 Physical condition

(15)
= (37) prá tā́n agníḥ babhasat-
forth dem.acc.pl Agni:nom.sg.m crush:prs.sbjv.1sg-
    tigmá-jambhaḥ
   sharp-tooth:nom.sg.m
   tápiṣṭhena śocíṣā yáḥ surā́dhāḥ |
    hottest:ins.sg flame:ins.sg rel.nom.sg good-success:nom.sg.m
    prá minánti váruṇasya dhā́ma
    forth rel.nom.pl demean:prs.3pl Varuṇa:gen.sg ordinance:acc.pl
    ‘Agni shall crush them with his sharp teeth, with his hottest flames thus granting (us) good success, (them) who demean the ordinances of Varuṇa …’
    (RV 4.5.4abc)

3.1.8 Mental condition

(16)
= (38) ít bhojáḥ yáḥ gr̥háve dádāti
he emph generous:nom.sg rel.nom.sg beggar:dat.sg give:prs.3sg
   ánna-kāmāya cárate kr̥śā́ya
  food-desire:dat.sg roam:prs.ptcp.dat.sg emaciated:dat.sg
  ‘He indeed is generous, who makes donations to a wailing beggar who longing for food roams about though emaciated.’
  (RV 10.117.3ab)

3.1.9 Posture and configuration

(17)
= (40) vayám te adyá rarimá kā́mam
we:nom you:dat today donate:prf.1pl ptcl wish:acc.sg
   uttāná-hastāḥ námasā upasádya
  outstretched-hand:nom.pl reverence:ins.sg sit_close:abs
  ‘Today we have, for sure, presented you with what you wished for after having sat with our hands outstretched in reverence close (to you).’
  (RV 3.14.5ab)

3.1.10 Role

(18)
= (42) tvā́m agne mā́nuṣīḥ īḷate
2sg.acc Agni:voc.sg human:nom.pl.f invoke:prs.3pl
  víśaḥ hotrā-vídam
  clan: nom.pl.f sacrificial_services:acc.pl-know:acc.sg
  ‘you, Agni, the clans of Manu invoke as the expert on sacrificial offices …’
  (RV 5.8.3ab)

3.1.11 Comparison

(19)
= (43) a-bhrātā́ iva puṃsáḥ eti
neg-brother:nom.sg(.f) like man:acc.plgo:prs.3sg oriented
  pratīcī́ gartā-rúk iva
  toward:nom.sg.f chariot_seat-mount:nom.sg(.f) like
  sanáye dhánānām
  to_win prize:gen.pl
  ‘Brotherless, as it were, she (sc. Dawn) goes right up to men mounting a chariot seat, as it were, to win prizes.’
  (RV 1.124.7ab)

3.1.12 Order

(20)
= (44) píba asyá gir-vaṇaḥ
drink:imp.2sg ptcl dem.gen.sg song-lust:voc.sg
   sutásya pūrvapā́ḥ iva
   pressed:gen.sg first-drink:nom.sg like
  ‘So drink thereof, who you lust for praise songs, of the pressed (soma) as one who drinks first!’
  (RV 8.1.26ab)

3.2 Asserted states of affairs

3.2.1 Simultaneous event

(21)
= (45) divi-spŕ̥k yāti aruṇā́ni
heaven: loc.sg-touch:nom.sg go:prs.3sg red:acc.pl.n
kr̥ṇván
make:prs.ptcp.nom.sg.m
‘As it (the wind) runs it touches heaven, thereby painting (all things) red.’
(RV 10.168.1c

3.2.2 Purpose

(22)
= (46) dévīḥ dvāraḥ śrayadhvaṃ-
divine: voc.pl door:voc.pl apart gape:imp.2pl-
   su-prāyaṇā́ḥ …
  good-passage: nom.pl
  ‘O divine doors, gape open in order to grant easy passage!’
  (RV 5.5.5ab)

3.2.3 Resultant state

(23)
= (47) sv-adhvarā́saḥ mádhumantaḥ
good-sacrifice:nom.pl.m abundant_in_sweetness:nom.pl.m
   agnáyaḥ
   fire:nom.pl.m
   usrā́ jarante práti
   early:acc.du.m welcome:prs.mp.3pl toward
   vástoḥ aśvínā|
   brightening:gen.sg.f Aśvin:acc.du.m
   yát niktá-hastaḥ taráṇiḥ-
   when cleaned-hand:nom.sg.m determined:nom.sg.m
   vi-cakṣaṇáḥ sómam
   circumspect:nom.sg.m soma:acc.sg.m
   suṣā́va mádhumantam ádribhiḥ||
   press:prf.3sg abundant in sweetness:acc.sg.m stone:ins.pl.m
   ‘(Promising) a good sacrifice through their abundance in sweetness the fires welcome the two early birds, (namely) the Aśvíns, at dawn, when (the Adhvaryu) with his hands clean[ed], determined and circumspect, has pressed Soma abundant in sweetness with the stones.’
   (RV 4.45.5)

3.3 Presupposed states of affairs

3.3.1 Temporal

(24)
= (48) yáthā vā́taḥ puṣkaríṇīm samiṅgáyati
like wind:nom.sg full_of_lotus:acc.sg.f stir_up:prs.3sg
   sarvátaḥ |
   from_all_sides
   evá te gárbhaḥ ejatu
   likewise 2sg unborn_child:nom.sg stir:imp.3sg
   niḥ-ā́-etu dáśa-mās-yaḥ ||
   out_hither_come:imp.3sg ten-month-adjz:nom.sg
   ‘Like the wind stirs up a lotus (pond) completely, just so, your unborn child shall stir! (After having lain) for ten moons (in his mother’s womb) he shall come out and hither!’
   (RV 5.78.7)

3.3.2 Causal

(25)
= (50) sahásra-śr̥ṅgaḥ vr̥ṣabháḥ j tát j -ojāḥ
thousand-horn:nom.sg bull:nom.sg dem-strength:nom.sg
  víśvān agne sáhasā prá asi anyā́n
  all:acc.pl Agni:voc power:ins.sg ahead be:prs.3sg other:acc.pl
  ‘Being (now like) a bull of a thousand horns (and thus) by virtue of being endowed with the strength of such a one, you are, O Agni, by (this very) power ahead of everyone else.’
  (RV 5.1.8cd)

3.3.3 Conditional

(26)
= (51) sámiddha-agniḥ vanavat-
kindled-fire:nom.sg win:sbjv.3sg-
    stīrṇá-barhiḥ
   spread-bed_of_sacrificial_grass:nom.sg
   yuktá-grāvā sutá-somaḥ jarāte
   yoked-stone:nom.sg pressed-soma:nom.sg welcome:sbjv.3sg
   ‘If and when he has the fire kindled and the bed of sacrificial grass spread out he will win. As soon as he has got going the pressing stones and the Soma pressed he shall welcome (Indra)’
   (RV 5.37.2ab)

3.3.4 Concessive

(27)
= (52) a-pā́t a-hastáḥ apr̥tanyat índram
neg-foot:nom.sg neg-hand:nom.sg fight:ipfv.3sg Indra:acc.sg
Although he (sc. Vr̥tra) had no feet nor hands, he tried to battle Indra’
(RV 1.32.7a)

3.3.5 Consecutive

(28)
= (53) út asya śocíḥ asthāt
up dem.gen.sg flame:nom.sg stand:aor.3sg
   ā-júhvānasya mīḷhúṣaḥ |
   on-pour:prs.ptcp.mp.gen.sg bounteous:gen.sg
  út dhūmā́saḥ aruṣā́saḥ divi-spŕ̥śaḥ
  up smoke:nom.pl ruddy:nom.pl sky:loc.sg-touch:nom.pl
  ‘Up rises his flame, when (ghee) is poured on him, who (then in return will hopefully become) rewarding. Up rise his reddish plumes of smoke to touch the sky.’
  (RV 7.16.3abc)

3.3.6 Adversative

(29)
= (54) gó-māyuḥ ékaḥ ajá-māyuḥ ékaḥ
cow-bellow:nom.sg one:nom.sg goat-bellow:nom.sg one:nom.sg
pŕ̥śniḥ ékaḥ háritaḥ ékaḥ
speckled:nom.sg one:nom.sg greenish:nom.sg one:nom.sg
eṣām
dem.gen.pl
samānám nā́ma bíbhrataḥ
same:acc.sg name:acc.sg bear:prs.ptcp.nom.pl
ví-rūpāḥ
apart-form:nom.pl
purutrā́ vā́cam pipiśuḥ
manyfold:adv voice:acc.sg ornament:prf.3pl
vádantaḥ
speak:prs.ptcp.nom.pl
‘One bellows like a cow, one bleats like a goat, one of them is speckled, one greenish. Bearing the same name but being of various colours, they (sc. the frogs) adorn their voice in manifold ways as they speak now.’
(RV 7.103.6)

4 Discussion and conclusions

Taking up a suggestion initially made by Schroeder and Delbrück, we explored and charted the contribution made by depictiveb.s. compounds to event elaboration in R̥gvedic Sanskrit. We first pointed out three morphosyntactic properties that show that there is a formal difference between attributive and depictiveb.s. compounds. In most cases, however, the interpretation heavily relies on contextual parameters, which are not easy to control for.

As for the semantic relations that depictiveb.s. compounds establish we find that most of the semantic domains described by Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt (2005) are represented in the R̥gvedic corpus. In particular, these compounds are also used for linking asserted and presupposed states of affairs to other predicates, expressing all major semantic relations usually covered by clause linking devices, finite and non-finite.

This finding is relevant because it shows that in Vedic, depictiveb.s. compounds are partly on a par with non-finite clause linking devices such as participial constructions, converbs, infinitives, verbal nouns, and absolutive constructions. Moreover, it foreshadows the increasing importance of non-finite predication in the history of Sanskrit, compounds playing an important role in this process (cf. most recently Hellwig 2019). Interestingly, a comparable use of depictiveb.s. compounds is also attested in Avestan (Sommer 2017), but it has not been reported to be anywhere near as important in event elaboration in any other branch of Indo-European outside of Indo-Iranian.

We propose that if taken seriously, Schroeder’s and Delbrück’s observations about the various uses of Vedic adjectives in general and adjectival compounds in particular have the potential to substantially enhance the understanding of event elaboration and semantic relations at any syntactic level, and thus pave the way for a better understanding of Vedic culture. After all, the Vedic texts are our prime source of knowledge of Vedic culture: comprehending the full range of possible relations between linguistic elements is the conditio sine qua non for a full understanding of the Vedic texts and, ultimately, the world they represent.

Abbreviations

ADJZ

Adjectivizer

AOR

Aorist

CPR

Comparative

EMPH

Emphatic

INJ

Injunctive

KS

Kāṭha-Saṁhitā

MP

Mediopassive

MS

Maitrāyaṇı̄ Saṁhitā

PTCL

Particle

RV

R̥gveda-Saṁhitā

SUP

Superlative

TS

Taittirı̄ya-Saṁhitā


Corresponding author: Paul Widmer, Department of Comparative Language Science, University of Zurich, Thurgauerstrasse 30, CH-8050 Zurich, Switzerland; and Center for the Interdisciplinary Study of Language Evolution, University of Zurich, Zurich, Switzerland, E-mail:

Many thanks to Florian Sommer for valuable input and discussion, and to Kyokō Amano and Antje Casaretto for providing us with their unpublished manuscripts. We also acknowledge the most valuable input of two reviewers. Quoted text passages are given with resolved sandhi.


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Published Online: 2022-03-07
Published in Print: 2021-03-26

© 2022 the author(s), published by De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston

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