Abstract
The present study provides a survey of the semantics of depictive (in a broad sense, including circumstantials) adjectival compounds in Vedic Sanskrit. Following the typology of depictive constructions developed by Himmelmann & Schultze-Berndt (2005), we structure our classification along the semantic fields that such expressions tend to occur in. Our results show that in Vedic, the use of depictive adjectival compounds spans (almost) the whole gamut of functions reported for depictives in cross-linguistic studies. In Vedic, depictive compounds rank on a par with other strategies of non-finite event elaboration such as participles, verbal adjectives, and action nouns.
1 Introduction
Ancient Indo-European languages, and Vedic Sanskrit in particular, are well-known for their propensity to use agreeing adjectival expressions to convey adjunct semantics as already acknowledged by Delbrück (1893–1900: 1, 453):
Häufig finden wir, namentlich in den älteren Phasen der indogermanischen Sprachen, den adjektivischen Ausdruck, wo wir Modernen es vorziehen, dem Verbum durch einen adverbialen oder präpositionalen Ausdruck eine Ergänzung hinzuzufügen. [Often, especially in ancient Indo-European languages, we find an adjectival expression where modern languages prefer to add a modification to the verb through an adverbial or prepositional expression.]
To illustrate Delbrück’s observation, in (1a) the comitative expression, which modifies the event, takes the adjective suffix -vant- and agrees in number with the participant (2du, indexed on the verb). In (1b) an alternative comitative construction, the comitative expression índra-, lacks adjectival properties and takes the instrumental case instead.
| mitrā́-váruṇa-vant-ā | utá | dhárma-vant-ā | … | gachathaḥ | … |
| Mitra-Varuṇa-adjz-nom.du | and | law-adjz-nom.du | go:prs.2du | ||
| ‘You two go together with Mitra and Varuṇa and by their statutes …’ (RV 8.35.13ab) | |||||
| índreṇa | yujā́ | … | nír | apā́m | aubjaḥ | arṇavám | |
| Indra:ins.sg | fellow:ins.sg | down | water:gen.pl | force:ipfv.2sg | flood:acc.sg | ||
| ‘You forced out the flood of waters together with Indra as your mate’ | |||||||
| (RV 2.23.18cd) | |||||||
In other contexts mitrā́váruṇavant- can be used as an adnominal modifier as well, and so can any other adjective by definition. For example, both āśávaḥ in (2a) and āśúm in (2b) from āśú- ‘quick, swift’ agree with árvantaḥ ‘horse’ and árvantam ‘horse’ in number, gender, and case, but they differ with respect to the constituent they modify: attributive āśúm modifies the noun it agrees with, while āśávaḥ, much like mitrā́váruṇavantā in (1a), modifies the verb rather than the noun whose number, gender, and case specifications it shares.
| tásya | íd | árvantaḥ | raṁhayante | āśávaḥ | ||||
| dem.gen.sg | emph | horse:nom.pl.m | run:prs.3pl | swift:nom.pl.m | ||||
| ‘it is his horses that run swiftly’ | ||||||||
| (RV 8.19.6a) | ||||||||
| sómaḥ | árvantam | āśúm | … | dadāti | ||||
| soma:nom.sg.m | horse:acc.sg.m | swift:acc.sg.m | give:prs.3sg | |||||
| ‘Soma bestows a swift horse.’ | ||||||||
| (RV 1.91.20ab) | ||||||||
For describing adjectives such as the comitative expression mitrā́váruṇavantā in (1a) or the manner expression āśávaḥ in (2a) we follow the approach taken by Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt (2005: 26) and use the term Depictives in the broad sense (depictive b.s . for short), a cover term for depictives proper and circumstantial secondary predications. As for the semantic relations of depictivesb.s., Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt (2005: 27–50, summarized in Fig. 1.1, p. 29) list, based on a cross-linguistic study, over 20 distinct functions, including concomitance (= comitative), manner, posture, benefactive, purpose, intention, etc.
In the realm of Vedic depictivesb.s., adjectival compounds are of particular interest because they are abundantly used and add another level of syntactic complexity in event elaboration. The relevance of this class of compounds in the conceptualization of events was long ago pointed out by Schroeder,[1] a strand of research that has gained traction in recent years (Casaretto 2020; Scarlata and Widmer 2020; Sommer 2017; Widmer and Scarlata 2017).
Building on these findings, the present article has the modest aim to explore and chart in a preliminary way the functional domains of R̥gvedic adjectival compounds when used as depictivesb.s.. To do so, we first discuss possible cues that help to distinguish between attributive and depictiveb.s. use of adjectival compounds on morphosyntactic grounds (Section 2). A preliminary list of semantic relations expressed by depictiveb.s. adjectival compounds is presented in Section 3, along with one example per relation; full philological discussion of many examples is available in a separate data appendix. Section 4 sums up and discusses the main results and implications of the present investigation.
2 Attributive versus depictiveb.s. use
Adjectival compounds assume a wide variety of functions at different syntactic levels, in particular adnominal attributes or depictivesb.s., and in a given context, it is oftentimes difficult to tell levels of attachment and functions apart because of the lack of unequivocal morphosyntactic and prosodic clues. Therefore, interpretation heavily relies on pragmatics and context, but this often leads to disputable results, since our understanding of the R̥gvedic world and its religious system is far from being comprehensive. In case of doubt, most translators opt for uncontroversial solutions by leaving potential semantic relations unexpressed. This practice often results in superficial word-by-word translations that gloss over content-related issues. However, recent scholarship has made it clear that there are indeed subtle morphosyntactic clues that sometimes help to distinguish between uses (Casaretto 2020, Section 1.1; Casaretto and Reinöhl, in press). This is an important finding because it shows that the distinction between depictive and adnominal use of adjectives is not a mere artefact of interpretation and translation. We will discuss three morphosyntactic and syntactic distinctions in the following subsections.
2.1 Marking of attribution on the adjective with yá-
Occasionally, attributive use of adjectival compounds is signaled by the presence of a pronominal yá-. In (3) the compound pr̥thu-pā́jasaḥ ‘with broad flanks’ is separated from the noun it agrees with, áśvāḥ ‘horses’, by another constituent, híraṇya-varṇām. pr̥thu-pā́jasaḥ is followed by the relative pronominal yé that agrees in number, gender, and case with pr̥thu-pā́jasaḥ (and áśvāḥ). The pronominal yá- syntactically links the constituent it combines with to the head of an NP and blocks a non-attributive reading. híraṇya-varṇām, on the other hand, admits of both an attributive (‘you, who have golden gleaming’) and a depictiveb.s. reading; we opt for a depictive interpretation in the translation of (3).
| ā́ | tvā j | vahantu | su-yámāsaḥ | áśvāḥ i |
| hither | 2sg.acc | drive:imp.3pl | well-control:nom.pl.m | horse:nom.pl.m |
| híraṇya-varṇām j | [ pr̥thu-pā́jasaḥ i | yé ] | ||
| golden-color:acc.sg.f | broad-flank:nom.pl.m | rel.nom.pl.m | ||
| ‘Let your horses, which are easy to control and which have broad flanks, | ||||
| convey you hither in your golden gleam!’ | ||||
| (RV 3.61.2cd) | ||||
This usage of yá- is well attested and also well described (Benveniste 1957; Gonda 1954; Haudry 1973; Lehmann 1984; Porzig 1923; Seiler 1960). In Rießler’s (2016: 43–44) terminology the constituent pr̥thu-pā́jasaḥ yé follows an anti-construct state agreement marking pattern, i.e. the compound receives a marker that signals that the compound is a constituent of a noun phrase and the marker indexes referential and grammatical properties of the unit’s head.
2.2 Case assignment
Under special conditions, depictivesb.s. are treated differently from attributes as far as case assignment is concerned. For example, the compound pr̥thu-yāman in (4) agrees in number, gender, and case with the vocative duhitar ‘daughter’.
| sā́ | naḥ | ā́ | vaha- |
| dem.nom.sg.f | 1pl | hither | convey:imp.2sg- |
| pr̥thu-yāman | r̥ṣve | ||
| broad-course:voc.sg(.f) | lofty:voc.sg.f |
| rayím | divaḥ | duhitar | iṣayádhyai |
| wealth:acc.sg | heaven:gen.sg | daughter:voc.sg(.f) | prosper:inf |
| ‘Convey wealth here for us to prosper, high Daughter of Heaven with your broad course.’ | |||
| (Jamison and Brereton 2014: II, 863) (RV 6.64.4cd) | |||
Full agreement in number, gender, and case formally signals that the compound is syntactically a constituent of the vocative phrase; it is not part of the clause and cannot therefore assume any function at clausal level.
In (5) things are different: deváḥ agrees with jātavedaḥ, the participant it relates to, in number and gender, but not in case. This agreement behavior disambiguates deváḥ from a syntactic point of view indicating that while referring to jātavedaḥ it enters a semantic relation at clause level rather than being an adnominal attribute.
| deváḥ | devā́n | yajasi | jātavedaḥ | |||
| god:nom.sg.m | god:acc.pl | sacrifice:2sg.prs | Jātavedas(m):voc.sg | |||
| ‘as a god you sacrifice to the gods, o (Agni) Jātavedas’ | ||||||
| (RV 10.110.1b) | ||||||
Within the clause, the relation between deváḥ and the subject is established by deváḥ taking the nominative case. The conflicting person value on the agreement target yajasi (2sg) makes it clear that deváḥ (3sg) doesn’t bear the subject relation to the predicate, but by associative agreement (cf. Bickel and Nichols 2007: 234–235) it enters, in this case, into a different, depictiveb.s. relation with the subject that is represented on the verb.[2] For further examples of associative agreement involving depictiveb.s. compounds see (12), (17), (20), (22), (25).
However, in Vedic only arguments in the nominative case are indexed on the verb. Verbal agreement itself is therefore of limited use and not applicable for detecting depictive relations with constituents that are assigned a case other than the nominative, for instance the accusative (18) or the dative (16).
2.3 Word order
In metrical texts, placement of compounds at the left or right periphery of clauses and/or metrical units indisputably displays an affinity for depictiveb.s. use. This is illustrated in (6) where the compounds a-pā́t and a-hastáḥ occupy the beginning of both the stanza and the clause; in (7) and (8) the compound is placed at the end of the Pāda and/or the clause.
| a-pā́t | a-hastáḥ | apr̥tanyat | índram |
| neg-foot:nom.sg | neg-hand:nom.sg | fight:ipfv.3sg | Indra:acc.sg |
| ‘Although he had no feet nor hands, he gave battle to Indra.’[3] | |||
| (RV 1.32.7a) | |||
| ā́ | sū́ryaḥ | yātu | saptá-aśvaḥ |
| hither | sun:nom.sg | drive:imp.3sg | seven-horse:nom.sg |
| ‘The sun-god shall drive hither with his seven horses!’ | |||
| (RV 5.45.9a) | |||
| vāyav-yàm | śvetám | ā́ labheta | bhū́ti-kāmaḥ |
| Vāyu-adjz.acc.sg | white:acc.sg | seize:opt.mp.3sg | prosperity-wish:nom.sg |
| ‘He should seize a white (animal as sacrificial victim) for Vāyu, | |||
| if he longs to be the way he wishes.’[4] | |||
| (TS 2.1.1.1) | |||
The material studied in Casaretto (2020: 28–34) corroborates this observation. It must be emphasized, however, that much of our knowledge of Vedic word order is still as incomplete and intuitive as it was back in Delbrück’s times (Delbrück 1888: 15).
The relative linear order of adjectival expression and its head has been brought up by Delbrück (1878). He tentatively suggests that if the agreeing modifier follows the modified noun it is intended to express an ancillary predication similarly to a participle (Delbrück 1878: 36). As for adjectives placed after the verb he explicitly states: “Das Adjectivum ist so viel werth wie ein Nebensatz, und darin liegt der Grund der Sonderstellung.” [Functionally, the adjective corresponds to a subordinate clause, and therein lies the reason for its special placement.] (Delbrück 1878, 54–55). Unfortunately, the ideas Delbrück developed at the time remain rather sketchy and have never been put under rigorous empirical scrutiny, and it is far from certain that Delbrück’s syntactic description of Vedic prose holds true for the language of metrically bound texts as well. More work needs to be carried out in this domain; the increasing availability of syntactically annotated text (e. g. Hellwig et al. 2020) will considerably enhance this strand of research.
3 Functional domains of Vedic compounds
In this section we summarize the various functions R̥gvedic compounds assume when not used as attributes or appositions. Function labels are assigned according to Schultze-Berndt and Himmelmann (2004), Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt (2005), and for each relation we provide an example from the R̥gveda. Given that many aspects of the Vedic world and its religious beliefs and practices are still unclear, we have aimed at selecting instances that are maximally clear and on whose interpretation Vedic scholarship tends to agree. Most importantly, the list we provide in this section is by no means meant to be exhaustive, nor do we claim that the interpretations we favour are beyond dispute. We see it as a starting point, and incentive, for further research.
For the sake of brevity, we present the material without discussion. All examples adduced in this section are extensively commented on in a separate data appendix, to which we refer the reader for a comprehensive documentation (available at https://gitlab.uzh.ch/paul.widmer/vedic-depictives).
For organisational rather than ontological reasons we basically follow Schultze-Berndt and Himmelmann (2004), Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt (2005) and distinguish the following three major functional domains along syntactic and pragmatic dimensions.
Depictives proper: depictivesb.s. that express mental or emotional conditions, posture and configuration, manner, comparison, function and role, life stage, quantification and order, concomitance and association, location and direction, time and atmospherical conditions (Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt 2005: 30–40).
Asserted states of affairs: depictivesb.s. that very much like converbs, participles, and event nominals express asserted simultaneous, anterior, or subsequent states of affairs relative to the matrix predication (Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt 2005: 40–42; Schultze-Berndt and Himmelmann 2004: 98–106).
Presupposed states of affairs: depictivesb.s. that express states of affairs which are not part of the assertion, but rather convey information which is presupposed (e.g. temporal, causal, concessive, conditional relations).
In addition, the data appendix discusses examples of adjectives including some compounds in resultative function, a notion that is often expressed by complex predicates (Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt 2005: 4).
3.1 Depictive use of compounds
For 12 out of 19 depictive functions considered by Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt (2005: 28) in their “tentative map”, we find evidence in the ambit of R̥gvedic adjectival compounds.
3.1.1 Life-stage/time
| = (31)[5] | sá | saṃvátaḥ | náva-jātaḥ | tuturyāt | |
| dem.nom.sg.m | barrier:acc.pl | new-born:nom.sg | cross_over:prf.opt.3sg | ||
| ‘He (= Agni) might already cross barriers when still newborn.’ | |||||
| (RV 5.15.3c | |||||
3.1.2 Concomitance
| = (32) | stotrám | índraḥ | marúd-gaṇaḥ | |
| praise_song:acc.sg.n | Indra:nom.sg.m | Marut-horde:nom.sg.m | ||
| tváṣṭr̥-mān | mitráḥ | aryamā́ | | ||
| Tvaṣṭr-adjz.nom.sg.m | Mitra:nom.sg.m | Aryaman:nom.sg.m | ||
| imā́ | havyā́ | juṣanta | naḥ || | |
| dem.acc.pl.n | oblation:acc.pl.n | enjoy:inj.mp.3pl | 1pl.gen || | |
| ‘Indra, squired by the horde of the Maruts, along with Tvaṣṭar, (then) Mitra, Aryaman shall enjoy the praise song, these oblations of ours.’ | ||||
| (RV 6.52.11) | ||||
3.1.3 Association
| = (33) | tigmá-āyudhaḥ | ajayat | śátrum | índraḥ | |
| sharp-weapon: nom.sg | defeat:ipfv.3sg | opponent:acc.sg | Indra:nom.sg | ||
| ‘With his sharp-edged weapon he defeated his opponent: Indra.’ | |||||
| (RV 2.30.3d) | |||||
3.1.4 Manner
| = (34) | raghu-pátvānaḥ | prá | jigāta | bāhúbhiḥ | |
| swift-flying:nom.pl | forth | go:imp.2pl | limb:ins.pl | ||
| ‘Move on flying swiftly (o Maruts), using your limbs!’ | |||||
| (RV 1.85.6b) | |||||
3.1.5 Location
| = (35) | barhi[ṣ]-ṣádaḥ | yé | svadháyā | sutásya | |
| Barhiṣ-sit:nom.pl.m | rel.pl.m | self_rule:ins.sg.f | pressed:gen.sg.m | ||
| bhájanta | pitváḥ | té | ihá | ā́gamiṣṭhāḥ | |
| share:inj.mp.3pl | food:gen.sg.m | dem.pl.m | here | come_hither:sup.nom.pl.m | |
| ‘(The forefathers), who, (when) seated on the Barhis , share (there) in accordance with their very own condition in the pressed (Soma), in the food, they are (those), who come most often hither (to our sacrifices).’ | |||||
| (RV 10.15.3cd) | |||||
3.1.6 Frequency
There are no good examples for compounds used as secondary predicates in this functional domain. Following some translators an example might be:
| = (36) | pári | tri-dhā́tuḥ | adhvarám | |
| around | three-part:nom.sg | ceremonial_course:acc.sg | ||
| jūrṇíḥ | eti | návīyasī | ||
| firebrand:nom.sg.f | go:prs.3sg | new:cpr.nom.sg.f | ||
| ‘A newer firebrand goes around the ceremonial course three times.’ | ||||
| (Jamison and Brereton 2014: II, 1167) (RV 8.72.9ab) | ||||
3.1.7 Physical condition
| = (37) | prá | tā́n | agníḥ | babhasat- | |
| forth | dem.acc.pl | Agni:nom.sg.m | crush:prs.sbjv.1sg- |
| tigmá-jambhaḥ | ||||
| sharp-tooth:nom.sg.m |
| tápiṣṭhena | śocíṣā | yáḥ | surā́dhāḥ | | |
| hottest:ins.sg | flame:ins.sg | rel.nom.sg | good-success:nom.sg.m |
| prá | yé | minánti | váruṇasya | dhā́ma |
| forth | rel.nom.pl | demean:prs.3pl | Varuṇa:gen.sg | ordinance:acc.pl |
| ‘Agni shall crush them with his sharp teeth, with his hottest flames thus granting (us) good success, (them) who demean the ordinances of Varuṇa …’ | ||||
| (RV 4.5.4abc) | ||||
3.1.8 Mental condition
| = (38) | sá | ít | bhojáḥ | yáḥ | gr̥háve | dádāti | |
| he | emph | generous:nom.sg | rel.nom.sg | beggar:dat.sg | give:prs.3sg |
| ánna-kāmāya | cárate | kr̥śā́ya | |||||
| food-desire:dat.sg | roam:prs.ptcp.dat.sg | emaciated:dat.sg | |||||
| ‘He indeed is generous, who makes donations to a wailing beggar who longing for food roams about though emaciated.’ | |||||||
| (RV 10.117.3ab) | |||||||
3.1.9 Posture and configuration
| = (40) | vayám | te | adyá | rarimá | hí | kā́mam | |
| we:nom | you:dat | today | donate:prf.1pl | ptcl | wish:acc.sg |
| uttāná-hastāḥ | námasā | upasádya | |||||
| outstretched-hand:nom.pl | reverence:ins.sg | sit_close:abs | |||||
| ‘Today we have, for sure, presented you with what you wished for after having sat with our hands outstretched in reverence close (to you).’ | |||||||
| (RV 3.14.5ab) | |||||||
3.1.10 Role
| = (42) | tvā́m | agne | mā́nuṣīḥ | īḷate | |
| 2sg.acc | Agni:voc.sg | human:nom.pl.f | invoke:prs.3pl |
| víśaḥ | hotrā-vídam … | ||||
| clan: nom.pl.f | sacrificial_services:acc.pl-know:acc.sg | ||||
| ‘you, Agni, the clans of Manu invoke as the expert on sacrificial offices …’ | |||||
| (RV 5.8.3ab) | |||||
3.1.11 Comparison
| = (43) | a-bhrātā́ | iva | puṃsáḥ | eti |
| neg-brother:nom.sg(.f) | like | man:acc.plgo:prs.3sg | oriented |
| pratīcī́ | gartā-rúk | iva | |||
| toward:nom.sg.f | chariot_seat-mount:nom.sg(.f) | like | |||
| sanáye | dhánānām | ||||
| to_win | prize:gen.pl | ||||
| ‘Brotherless, as it were, she (sc. Dawn) goes right up to men mounting a chariot seat, as it were, to win prizes.’ | |||||
| (RV 1.124.7ab) | |||||
3.1.12 Order
| = (44) | píba | tú | asyá | gir-vaṇaḥ | |
| drink:imp.2sg | ptcl | dem.gen.sg | song-lust:voc.sg |
| sutásya | pūrvapā́ḥ | iva | |||
| pressed:gen.sg | first-drink:nom.sg | like | |||
| ‘So drink thereof, who you lust for praise songs, of the pressed (soma) as one who drinks first!’ | |||||
| (RV 8.1.26ab) | |||||
3.2 Asserted states of affairs
3.2.1 Simultaneous event
| = (45) | divi-spŕ̥k | yāti | aruṇā́ni | ||
| heaven: loc.sg-touch:nom.sg | go:prs.3sg | red:acc.pl.n | |||
| kr̥ṇván | |||||
| make:prs.ptcp.nom.sg.m | |||||
| ‘As it (the wind) runs it touches heaven, thereby painting (all things) red.’ | |||||
| (RV 10.168.1c | |||||
3.2.2 Purpose
| = (46) | dévīḥ | dvāraḥ | ví | śrayadhvaṃ- | |
| divine: voc.pl | door:voc.pl | apart | gape:imp.2pl- |
| su-prāyaṇā́ḥ … | |||||
| good-passage: nom.pl | |||||
| ‘O divine doors, gape open in order to grant easy passage!’ | |||||
| (RV 5.5.5ab) | |||||
3.2.3 Resultant state
| = (47) | sv-adhvarā́saḥ | mádhumantaḥ | |
| good-sacrifice:nom.pl.m | abundant_in_sweetness:nom.pl.m |
| agnáyaḥ | |||
| fire:nom.pl.m |
| usrā́ | jarante | práti | ||
| early:acc.du.m | welcome:prs.mp.3pl | toward |
| vástoḥ | aśvínā | | |||
| brightening:gen.sg.f | Aśvin:acc.du.m |
| yát | niktá-hastaḥ | taráṇiḥ- | ||
| when | cleaned-hand:nom.sg.m | determined:nom.sg.m |
| vi-cakṣaṇáḥ | sómam | |||
| circumspect:nom.sg.m | soma:acc.sg.m |
| suṣā́va | mádhumantam | ádribhiḥ || | ||
| press:prf.3sg | abundant in sweetness:acc.sg.m | stone:ins.pl.m | ||
| ‘(Promising) a good sacrifice through their abundance in sweetness the fires welcome the two early birds, (namely) the Aśvíns, at dawn, when (the Adhvaryu) with his hands clean[ed], determined and circumspect, has pressed Soma abundant in sweetness with the stones.’ | ||||
| (RV 4.45.5) | ||||
3.3 Presupposed states of affairs
3.3.1 Temporal
| = (48) | yáthā | vā́taḥ | puṣkaríṇīm | samiṅgáyati | |
| like | wind:nom.sg | full_of_lotus:acc.sg.f | stir_up:prs.3sg |
| sarvátaḥ | | ||||
| from_all_sides |
| evá | te | gárbhaḥ | ejatu | |||
| likewise | 2sg | unborn_child:nom.sg | stir:imp.3sg |
| niḥ-ā́-etu | dáśa-mās-yaḥ || | |||||
| out_hither_come:imp.3sg | ten-month-adjz:nom.sg | |||||
| ‘Like the wind stirs up a lotus (pond) completely, just so, your unborn child shall stir! (After having lain) for ten moons (in his mother’s womb) he shall come out and hither!’ | ||||||
| (RV 5.78.7) | ||||||
3.3.2 Causal
| = (50) | sahásra-śr̥ṅgaḥ | vr̥ṣabháḥ j | tát j -ojāḥ | |||
| thousand-horn:nom.sg | bull:nom.sg | dem-strength:nom.sg |
| víśvān | agne | sáhasā | prá | asi | anyā́n | |
| all:acc.pl | Agni:voc | power:ins.sg | ahead | be:prs.3sg | other:acc.pl | |
| ‘Being (now like) a bull of a thousand horns (and thus) by virtue of being endowed with the strength of such a one, you are, O Agni, by (this very) power ahead of everyone else.’ | ||||||
| (RV 5.1.8cd) | ||||||
3.3.3 Conditional
| = (51) | sámiddha-agniḥ | vanavat- | |
| kindled-fire:nom.sg | win:sbjv.3sg- |
| stīrṇá-barhiḥ | |||
| spread-bed_of_sacrificial_grass:nom.sg |
| yuktá-grāvā | sutá-somaḥ | jarāte | |
| yoked-stone:nom.sg | pressed-soma:nom.sg | welcome:sbjv.3sg | |
| ‘If and when he has the fire kindled and the bed of sacrificial grass spread out he will win. As soon as he has got going the pressing stones and the Soma pressed he shall welcome (Indra)’ | |||
| (RV 5.37.2ab) | |||
3.3.4 Concessive
| = (52) | a-pā́t | a-hastáḥ | apr̥tanyat | índram | |
| neg-foot:nom.sg | neg-hand:nom.sg | fight:ipfv.3sg | Indra:acc.sg | ||
| ‘Although he (sc. Vr̥tra) had no feet nor hands, he tried to battle Indra’ | |||||
| (RV 1.32.7a) | |||||
3.3.5 Consecutive
| = (53) | út | asya | śocíḥ | asthāt | |
| up | dem.gen.sg | flame:nom.sg | stand:aor.3sg |
| ā-júhvānasya | mīḷhúṣaḥ | | ||||
| on-pour:prs.ptcp.mp.gen.sg | bounteous:gen.sg |
| út | dhūmā́saḥ | aruṣā́saḥ | divi-spŕ̥śaḥ | ||
| up | smoke:nom.pl | ruddy:nom.pl | sky:loc.sg-touch:nom.pl | ||
| ‘Up rises his flame, when (ghee) is poured on him, who (then in return will hopefully become) rewarding. Up rise his reddish plumes of smoke to touch the sky.’ | |||||
| (RV 7.16.3abc) | |||||
3.3.6 Adversative
| = (54) | gó-māyuḥ | ékaḥ | ajá-māyuḥ | ékaḥ | |
| cow-bellow:nom.sg | one:nom.sg | goat-bellow:nom.sg | one:nom.sg | ||
| pŕ̥śniḥ | ékaḥ | háritaḥ | ékaḥ | ||
| speckled:nom.sg | one:nom.sg | greenish:nom.sg | one:nom.sg | ||
| eṣām | |||||
| dem.gen.pl | |||||
| samānám | nā́ma | bíbhrataḥ | |||
| same:acc.sg | name:acc.sg | bear:prs.ptcp.nom.pl | |||
| ví-rūpāḥ | |||||
| apart-form:nom.pl | |||||
| purutrā́ | vā́cam | pipiśuḥ | |||
| manyfold:adv | voice:acc.sg | ornament:prf.3pl | |||
| vádantaḥ | |||||
| speak:prs.ptcp.nom.pl | |||||
| ‘One bellows like a cow, one bleats like a goat, one of them is speckled, one greenish. Bearing the same name but being of various colours, they (sc. the frogs) adorn their voice in manifold ways as they speak now.’ | |||||
| (RV 7.103.6) | |||||
4 Discussion and conclusions
Taking up a suggestion initially made by Schroeder and Delbrück, we explored and charted the contribution made by depictiveb.s. compounds to event elaboration in R̥gvedic Sanskrit. We first pointed out three morphosyntactic properties that show that there is a formal difference between attributive and depictiveb.s. compounds. In most cases, however, the interpretation heavily relies on contextual parameters, which are not easy to control for.
As for the semantic relations that depictiveb.s. compounds establish we find that most of the semantic domains described by Himmelmann and Schultze-Berndt (2005) are represented in the R̥gvedic corpus. In particular, these compounds are also used for linking asserted and presupposed states of affairs to other predicates, expressing all major semantic relations usually covered by clause linking devices, finite and non-finite.
This finding is relevant because it shows that in Vedic, depictiveb.s. compounds are partly on a par with non-finite clause linking devices such as participial constructions, converbs, infinitives, verbal nouns, and absolutive constructions. Moreover, it foreshadows the increasing importance of non-finite predication in the history of Sanskrit, compounds playing an important role in this process (cf. most recently Hellwig 2019). Interestingly, a comparable use of depictiveb.s. compounds is also attested in Avestan (Sommer 2017), but it has not been reported to be anywhere near as important in event elaboration in any other branch of Indo-European outside of Indo-Iranian.
We propose that if taken seriously, Schroeder’s and Delbrück’s observations about the various uses of Vedic adjectives in general and adjectival compounds in particular have the potential to substantially enhance the understanding of event elaboration and semantic relations at any syntactic level, and thus pave the way for a better understanding of Vedic culture. After all, the Vedic texts are our prime source of knowledge of Vedic culture: comprehending the full range of possible relations between linguistic elements is the conditio sine qua non for a full understanding of the Vedic texts and, ultimately, the world they represent.
Abbreviations
- ADJZ
-
Adjectivizer
- AOR
-
Aorist
- CPR
-
Comparative
- EMPH
-
Emphatic
- INJ
-
Injunctive
- KS
-
Kāṭha-Saṁhitā
- MP
-
Mediopassive
- MS
-
Maitrāyaṇı̄ Saṁhitā
- PTCL
-
Particle
- RV
-
R̥gveda-Saṁhitā
- SUP
-
Superlative
- TS
-
Taittirı̄ya-Saṁhitā
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© 2022 the author(s), published by De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston
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Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Research Articles
- The relationship between metrical, syntactic, and rhetorical structure in the Rigveda: the gāyatrī stanza
- R̥gvedic depictive adjectival compounds and their functions
- Non-past marking in Mewahang with comparative notes on Upper Arun
- Functions of the -êy suffix in Hyow
- Book Reviews
- Ole Holten Pind: Dignāga’s Philosophy of Language: Pramāṇasamuccayavṛtti V on anyāpoha
- Tatacharya, N. S. Ramanuja: Bhāṭṭatantrarahasya: The Bhāṭṭatantrarahasya of Khaṇḍadeva with the Sāraprakāśikā Commentary
- Obituary
- In memoriam Alexander Dubyanskiy (1941–2020)
Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Research Articles
- The relationship between metrical, syntactic, and rhetorical structure in the Rigveda: the gāyatrī stanza
- R̥gvedic depictive adjectival compounds and their functions
- Non-past marking in Mewahang with comparative notes on Upper Arun
- Functions of the -êy suffix in Hyow
- Book Reviews
- Ole Holten Pind: Dignāga’s Philosophy of Language: Pramāṇasamuccayavṛtti V on anyāpoha
- Tatacharya, N. S. Ramanuja: Bhāṭṭatantrarahasya: The Bhāṭṭatantrarahasya of Khaṇḍadeva with the Sāraprakāśikā Commentary
- Obituary
- In memoriam Alexander Dubyanskiy (1941–2020)