Conflict Dynamics in Organizational Decision-Making. Muslim Accommodation in Swimming Pools

4.1.1 Organizational Characteristics: Affluent and Innovative

The pool reopened after an extended closure for reconstruction, hiring two highly qualified managers with expertise in business administration and organizational development, along with two younger pool attendants from immigrant backgrounds. The organization follows a strict hierarchy.

Given the local population, staff are aware that the users closely monitor service quality:

What is very important to me from an operational perspective is that employees are aware of their body language and how they present themselves to guests. Many were not even aware of this change in perspective. (…) If a pool guest has a question and is perhaps in the water, if possible and without violating supervision rules, it is always appropriate to get on the same level. That relaxes the situation. (…) We try not to blow the whistle, as it is always a form of embarrassment. (Pool manager_m multiculturalism; position 52–54)

With the reopening, the city’s equal opportunity officer requested that the previously existing separate women’s hours be supervised only by female staff. Though the pool lacked enough female staff, Muslim communities sent interpreters to assist, and a local club provided swimming lessons for women. Although not inherently convinced of the innovation, both managers saw this as a management challenge rather than a value conflict.

And the city decided in the political committees that women’s swimming should also be offered when the pool re-opened. (…) and then we also said to ourselves: “Yes, if we have the staff for it, the female staff, then we’ll keep doing it.” (Deputy Pool Manager_f multiculturalims; position: 6–10)

They later rationalized this decision by highlighting the need to satisfy all customers to stay competitive:

Even if we receive negative criticism that is justified, it’s always an incentive to improve and that’s also our goal. We simply want to be one of the best swimming pools here in the region for families and athletes. (…) We want to provide the best possible service for them and that’s why we’re happy when people point things out to us. (Pool manager_m multiculturalism, position: 42–44)

This approach reflects the organization’s decision premise in favor of service orientation, plurality, competitiveness, and innovation. The pool management explicitly advertises separate women’s hours and burkini permission through an app and also reaches out to Muslim communities and women’s shelters in the region. Both managers acknowledge the burkini’s emancipatory significance and the courage it takes to wear it in public. They are proud that Muslim women learn swimming in their pool. The burkini is not presented as a symbol of outdated gender roles, but as a normal element of a pluralistic and modern 21st century society.

Well, (…) because we don’t live in the 19th century anymore. My goodness, we live in the 21st century and it’s part of our cultural landscape. Of course, it’s not something that everyone takes for granted. (Pool manager_m multiculturalism; position 482–483)

4.1.2 The Structure of Conflict: Competition Between Groups

1) Defining and disciplining the users. A major conflict arose with the introduction of separate hours for women – defining who could benefit from these hours and fending off other claims (e.g. from senior citizens) and complaints (e.g. from men). The pool management argues that it has been able to arrange women’s hours on Sundays before the official opening hours, possible due to the municipality’s affluence:

We actually set it up as additional time. Originally, the opening hours were from ten onwards, and we were really looking for a time to give women an additional opportunity without restricting public access to the pool area. That had always been a good argument in the beginning. However, we cannot expand it indefinitely. (Deputy pool manager_f multiculturalism; position: 258–265)

The introduction of all-female staff during women’s hours attracted ultra-conservative Muslim communities who not only wore headscarves and gloves but also avoided eye contact with the male cashier. They demanded the removal of male attendants from the front desk, a request the management denied, leading this group to stop visiting the pool.

Thus, a key conflict for the multicultural pool is maintaining its public character without allowing a small group to monopolize it.

2) Convincing the staff. Several innovations reflected a clear political stance in favor of a multicultural and emancipatory approach towards conservative Muslims. While the new staff supported these changes, older staff were more reluctant:

There was criticism, even among the staff, and we had to promote understanding. Things have improved, but there are still individual people who do not fully accept it, who perform their duties responsibly, respect it, but do not accept it personally and say: “This is nonsense. (…) Personal criticism. It’s just too multicultural.” (Pool Manager_m multiculturalism; position 172–176)

These staff members point out that the swimming pool should remain open to all users, fearing further segmentation and complaining that the next thing to come was separate hours for ‘Hindus or Buddhists’. However, the organizational hierarchy pressures them to conform, which prevents these individual attitudes from becoming dominant. These staff members have adapted to the organization’s decisions by providing rational justifications for the changes:

I was also surprised when the 14- and 15-year-olds were there, but I also said, ‘Okay. It’s part of the culture. All right.’ I accept headscarves in schools, so I have to accept a burkini in the swimming pool. The main thing is that she comes to swim – if she can only swim with that thing on, right? I prefer that ten times over her not coming, breaking the rules, wearing a regular swimsuit, and then trying to swim and drowning. So, there’s also a certain educational mission here (Pool Attendant_m multiculturalism; position: 282–284).

3) Convincing other users. The staff also needed to persuade the other users to accept the new rules. The other users were mostly skeptical about the separate hours for women and about the burkini.

Of course, there were questions like, ‘Why are we offering this now?’ Then you also hear through third parties that some people say, ‘Well, on Sundays, after the women’s hours, you can’t go to the pool because the water is contaminated’ (Deputy Pool Manager_f multiculturalism; position: 247–257)

The staff worked to depoliticize the burkini, emphasizing its functionality and the opportunities it provides for Muslim women to learn to swim. Lifeguards sometimes found that rational arguments were not enough and resorted to tactile demonstrations, showing that the burkinis were made of appropriate swim fabric:

I have to say, there were a few disapproving looks. I saw that. Then they looked over there and looked at me, as if to say: Why isn’t he doing anything? Why doesn’t he check? So, I went over and said: “May I touch it? All right. This is bath fabric.” So that the others could see: Okay, I’ve checked it. (Pool Attendant_m multiculturalism; position 266–270)

In general, the staff were lenient, asking Muslim with “self-made burkinis” not made of the right fabric to wear real burkinis next time.

4.1.3 Organizational Response to Conflict: Please all Users and Build a Façade

The pool’s key strategy probably is to create a façade that downplays the fact that the separate hours are mainly used by Muslim women. Although the staff estimate that 90–98 % of the women attending these hours are Muslim (a figure confirmed by our observations), the management prefers to report a lower percentage, around 60 %:

This is not exclusively for Muslim women, so that’s very important to us. It’s a space for various women who simply want to swim there. (…) We naturally have a certain proportion of Muslim women who come. I would estimate it to be around 60 to 70 percent who use it intensively, and then also women who just like to swim among themselves, who make use of the offer in that way (Pool Manager_m multiculturalism; position: Position: 154–157)

The cleaning also plays a role in maintaining this façade. After the women-only hours, they quickly clean the changing rooms and showers, paying special attention to the male facilities, which are used by women during the women’s hours, to avoid complaints:

I’m in the service, I have to quickly check that people, the women, haven’t left their swimsuits, burkinis or anything else behind, so that I quickly bring it to the cashier…. That the showers are clean, that the toilets are clean… or in the men’s showers, and there I first have to make sure that I’ve taken the burkini out, right? (Service personnel_f multiculturalism; positon: 560–577)

The pool’s advertising also reflects this dual approach. While it clearly targets Muslim communities when promoting the separate hours, its public communications do not mention the all-female staff or the fact that the pool is shielded from outside view. This is different in the pool type that we will discuss next.

4.2.1 Organizational Characteristics: A Heart for Socio-Economic Inequalities

One of the organization’s guiding principles is to ensure the pool remains an affordable recreational option for everyone, including refugees.

That we also offer something to the population. Not for the rich, for those who earn better. Here you can go swimming twice or three times a week and your wallet can take it, right? (Pool Manager_m universalism; position: 135–137)

The organization adopts a color-blind approach, focusing on economic rather than cultural or religious differences. Staff describe the pool as small and intimate, and do not view any immigrant groups as particularly problematic. For example, the pool manager highlights a general lack of swimming skills as an issue, rather than singling out burkini-wearing women as poor swimmers. Young people who cause disruptions are also not identified as being from immigrant backgrounds. While the pool uses a whistle to maintain order, attendants emphasize that rules apply to everyone, including the large number of refugees who arrived in the municipality in 2015.

We don’t want to upset anyone. It’s just that there are rules, and everyone has to follow them, regardless of which country they come from. Of course, the refugees felt attacked at first, thinking: “We’re not welcome here”. Of course, we as women also had difficulties at the beginning because we weren’t respected as much, because a woman doesn’t have that much to say. We explained: “It’s just different in Germany” and if that doesn’t work, we also issue swimming bans. That has nothing to do with discrimination (…). Regardless of nationality, they are given the rules here and anyone who doesn’t stick to them has to leave. It’s all about a lot of people in one place, safety and yes, we also want everyone to walk out on their two feet. (Pool Attendant_f universalism; position: 271–292)

The pool manager adds that individuals making racist remarks are also banned from the pool. He emphasizes the team’s commitment to equality and notes that all users want to have fun. When Syrian refugees arrived in 2015, the pool manager visited local housing centers to inform them about the pool:

When all the refugees arrived, we went there and introduced ourselves, letting them know that we are nearby and have the outdoor pool, that they can get discounted admission with the CAS pass. So, we actually got along quite well. We also hung up pictures in the refugee accommodation – our opening hours and pool rules and such. (Pool Manager_m universalism; position: 439–446)

4.2.2 The Structure of Conflict: Apply the Same Rules to All

1) Defining and disciplining the users. A key challenge for this organization, with its universalist approach, is to maintain the pool’s identity as a public space accessible to people from diverse backgrounds. Given limited municipal resources, the management must evaluate whether certain offerings attract enough users from specific groups to justify limited access to the broader public. At the time of the study, the pool reserved separate swimming times only for firefighters, police, and school classes. Although it had previously offered women-only hours for special occasions, these attracted only about 20 participants and were eventually discontinued.

The decision to allow the burkini was a response to users who often entered the water in leggings and t-shirts. To enhance safety and hygiene, the pool introduced the burkini as a requirement for all female users wishing to cover their bodies. Pictograms and signs were created to clarify pool rules for new users from Syria. The pool manager emphasized that the decision to permit the burkini was made internally, in consultation with the municipal administration, but not dictated by local politics. Enforcement of rules is strict, and unlike the multicultural pool, lifeguards at this universalist pool prohibit self-made burkinis.

2) Convincing the staff. Staff have not expressed any opposition to the burkini. Its allowance was not a political decision or a response to user demands; rather, it is framed as an organizational decision to address undesirable practices.

And in this context, we then talked about: “What is allowed, what is not?” And this is also stated in our pool regulations: “Only what is really suitable for swimming.” And a burkini is designed for that purpose, and is really intended for swimming, and poses no danger. So why shouldn’t we allow it? It’s just that alternatives like pajamas or tracksuits or whatever are not allowed. (Municipal Administration_f universalism; position: 281–287)

The extent to which the pool manager and attendants have internalized the organization’s commitment to universalist principles is striking and reflected in the way that they communicate the rules to the other users.

3) Convincing other users. Pool attendants and management acknowledge complaints from other users about the burkini. To address the concerns, the staff framed the burkini as a new “fashion” and explained that it is “real swimwear”.

Yes, there certainly are complaints because, I would say, it was a fashion that suddenly appeared and bathers were not familiar with it. When ladies went into the water completely covered up, people didn’t know how to react at first. We were approached about it. (…) [We] then of course explained that it was really swimwear and that they didn’t need to worry about it. So it was mainly the older generation that wasn’t familiar with it. But otherwise it worked well (pool attendant_f universalism; position: 204–212).

The pool manager reflects on the evolution of body practices at this facility:

Well, my boss, he was here even longer, when it actually started… the pool used to be completely divided. Women only in the morning and men only in the afternoon. (pool manager_m universalism; position: 382–289)

This perspective connects contemporary Muslim body practices to local traditions that have changed in relatively recent history.

4.2.3 Organizational Response to Conflict: “Culture-blind” Application of the Rule

The universalist model in this pool clearly emerges as the governance approach that generates the least conflict. Notably, staff members appear to fully support the rules, viewing the burkini not as a peculiar or undesirable cultural practice, but as a hygienic and safe swimwear option preferable to other coverings. The religious preferences of conservative Muslim users are acknowledged and formalized through organizational decision-making. Any potential conflicts arising from unhygienic self-made burkinis are addressed by strictly enforcing the rule that only regular burkinis may be worn by those wishing to cover their bodies.

Moreover, the absence of anti-Muslim sentiments from both management and staff fosters a “culture-blind” ethos, emphasizing that the pool should be accessible to everyone, particularly those with lower incomes. Staff members prioritize consistency in rule enforcement to ensure no group feels preferential treatment of another group. Users who repeatedly violate rules or make racist remarks are banned from the pool. This effectively prevents users with anti-immigrant attitudes from advocating for the exclusion of immigrants. In this universalist pool, discussions did not center on whether conservative Muslims could participate, but rather on how to facilitate their inclusion. The decision-making process did not focus on accommodating religious differences, but on providing an affordable leisure activity for those with limited budgets. Even when initial resistance to the burkini arose among some users, staff’s clear and unwavering support communicated that the rule was non-negotiable. When conservative Muslims fail to wear a proper burkini, staff interpret this not as willful defiance but as a lack of understanding of the requirements. They nonetheless insist on compliance:

We have the pool rules in foreign languages here in our pool, especially for foreign citizens, and then we also have pictures. Yes, it includes a picture of a burkini, and underpants are crossed out. If our foreign citizens don’t understand, then we just go to the notice and show them what we pay attention to. (Pool Manager_m universalism; position 198–203)

In the universalist pool, conflicts mainly arise over the application and communication of formalized rules, contrasting with the situation in the subsequent assimilationist case.

4.3.1 Organizational Characteristics: Convinced Against Their Will

The pool studied as a case of the assimilationist model is the last of three municipal indoor pools still open to the public, leading to a significant demand. The closure of the other two pools was due to a lack of funds for modernization. The recent permission to allow the burkini is not viewed as a gesture of accommodation for Muslim users but rather as a legal obligation imposed externally. An assimilationist attitude prevails among both staff and users, making the transition from a culturally assimilationist to a universalist organization conflictual.

The pool faces several challenges related to fierce competition for limited resources. This municipality is struggling financially and, like other German cities, has had to accommodate refugees from Syria. The management and staff empathize with long-time users of this pool, the only remaining indoor facility available to the public.

The water area has shrunk, and the offer is, of course, no longer what we had before (…). We are trying to keep the current pools running. That was also last night’s mandate in this municipal council resolution, to guarantee the preservation of the existing pools, that is our mission. (…) The schools had to join forces here, (…) The clubs had to give up water surfaces (…). Then, public swimming is now limited to this one district pool, where everything is concentrated. (pool manager_m assimilation; position: 122–127)

Staff members sympathize with long-time users who have faced numerous negative changes. In the adjacent outdoor pool, long-time users perceive the burkini as a further threat, viewing it as a symbol of the impending loss of “their” pool and its traditional atmosphere.

So, especially in pool X (…) there was a phase where a few [in burkinis] came somehow. But that’s actually all gone now. The bathers, of course, all skeptical, and there was definitely mistrust. So, the refugees were more committed to adapting than the other way around (deputy pool manager_f assimilation; position: 225–237)

Given these resource constraints, the pool management has determined that it will not allow separate hours for women, particularly since separate lanes and times slots for schools and sports clubs are unavoidable.

There are requests here to offer women-only swimming. But that failed because the pools are not so enclosed, one can see in from the outside. Then there’s the fact that I don’t have the staff to be able to administer only female lifeguards to such women-only swimming. So the organizational effort for something like that is so high that we can’t and don’t want to offer it. And if we were to do it, it would probably become a political issue again. ‘There’s a shortage of spaces everywhere for the clubs and now you reserve times just for them to go.’ (pool manager_m assimilation; position: 303–314)

In summary, the organization seeks to avoid conflicts with what it perceives to be a public majority, which is relevant for the structure of conflict.

4.3.2 The Structure of Conflict: Open Conflict over Scarce Resources

1) Defining and disciplining the users. Conflict among users, as well as between users and staff, is pronounced in this pool. The pool attendants and the management report significant discipline issues, resorting to whistles to address rule-breaking behaviors. Although the ban on burkinis has been officially lifted, this change is not actively communicated through advertising or signage.

No, we don’t do any proactive advertising for it now, because that would be held against us again. Our house and pool rules state that it is permitted, but that’s all we do. So we don’t advertise it now, we don’t want to go that far. We will seek individual discussions when conflicts arise, but we don’t want to advertise it (pool manager_m assimilation; position 284–288).

This suggests that the burkini exists more on paper than in practice and is regarded as an additional burden amid various ongoing challenges.

2) Convincing other users. Long-time users of the pool predominantly oppose burkinis, holding anti-Muslim sentiments that align with the higher proportion of right-wing populist voters in the area. Some users even sent a letter of complaint to the mayor, expressing their refusal to accept the presence of burkini wearers:

However, the acceptance was not there from a close-knit team of older bathers in our pool (…) and they actually sent a letter of complaint to the mayor to express their dissatisfaction, stating that they do not want to accept that now “such people”, I think that’s how they even (titled) it, [are] here in the pool. (pool manager_m assimilation; position: 225–237)

The manager of this pool clearly feels that the majority of users reject the burkini. The users openly insult the burkini wearers and even called the pool attendant to assist, an act which the manager was reluctant to confront directly:

There was a situation where I was directly involved, but because they called me in. They just wanted to vent their frustration on someone from the staff and then they started to rage and became more and more offensive. I then broke off the conversation and said: “I won’t continue discussing with you at this level. The conversation is over for me”, turned around and left. And then they snarled at me: “Well, I could have guessed that you’d be so stupid!” (Deputy pool manager_f assimilation, position: 273–278)

Despite these confrontations with non-immigrant users, the pool attendants and management primarily note rule-breaking among users of immigrant backgrounds:

When I had problems in the pools to the point that we had to issue a ban, then it was actually 90–95 % people with a migration background. (Pool manager_m assimilation; position: 202–209)

Thus, although the staff could easily sanction aggressive behavior toward burkini-wearing women by issuing house bans against these long-time users, they refrain from doing so to avoid escalating conflict.

But, as I said, it’s ultimately up to each individual to decide whether they [burkini-wearers] want to go through with it or not. Our hands, or our supervisory staff’s hands, are a bit tied in that regard. We can’t do much more than respond to them, which we have done. (pool manager_m assimilation; position: 271–273)

This organizational withdrawal from conflict regulation allows the long-time users to dominate the situation.

3) Convincing the staff. As in other pools, staff members attempt to frame the pool rules as rational, referencing court decisions that equate burkinis to wetsuits:

Yes, as I said, because most of them come at the beginning of the season, when we open, we rarely get the water above 20° so quickly. […] They all come in neoprene. That’s nothing different. (pool attendant_m assimilation; position: 789–799)

However, staff support for the burkini is weak. The aggressive behavior of long-time users effectively discourages Muslim women from visiting the pool in burkinis, thus undermining the intention behind the rule change.

4.3.3 Organizational Responses to Conflict: Laissez-Faire an Anti-Muslim Public

The organization is caught between perceived legal pressures in favor of burkinis and the resistance from long-time users who object to them. Staff members reflect on the tranquility of the pool prior to the changes, and their limited defense of Muslim users in burkinis suggests a certain nostalgia and thus reluctance to disrupt the existing dynamics. The pool attendants have tried to explain the new pool rules to opposing non-Muslim users, mainly using external legal arguments instead of functional ones about the burkini being hygienic. The staff did not sanction the aggressive non-Muslim users, adopting a laissez-faire attitude towards conflict, allowing the majority’s sentiments to shape the environment.

The underlying conflict is intensified by resource scarcity. In this constellation, a close-knit community feels entitled to dictate what practices are tolerated “in their pool”. Since the staff let the established community gain the upper hand in this pool, newcomers can be excluded. Consequently, the public character of the space diminishes, making it less inclusive for diverse users. This dynamic sets the state for the next case, which exemplifies the segregationist idealtype. In such contexts, the challenges of inclusivity and resource management become even more pronounced, raising questions about the true accessibility of public spaces.

4.4.1 Organizational Characteristics: Consensus on Outright Rejection of Muslims

Most of the organization’s staff have worked at the pool for many years, with only a few younger attendants recently joining the team. Staff report frequent conflicts with the users, including one incident where a female attendant was assaulted by users (not identified as Muslim). In response, the pool staff decided to participate in a de-escalation training. The staff exhibit racist attitudes towards Roma, Sinti, and Muslims:

I see the challenge in keeping the clientele that comes here, i.e. the pool peaceful. […] so that we also get families to come here to the pool and not just (…) gypsies or even clans, proper clans, families that cause such pollution and such unrest here in the pool. (pool administration_f segregation; position: 177–188)

The attendants describe these users as disobedient to the instructions of the female staff and insulting.

When you explain to them that their swimwear is not allowed, you just get rude remarks and they literally say: “Nazi. Right-wing radicals” and other things. So they go to the lowest level. Or if they can’t swim and we say: “Get out of the deep end, stay only in the non-swimmer area”, “You have nothing to say to us”, “You’re right-wing radicals. You’re Nazis” and “I hate infidels”, “I hate Germany.” (pool manager_m segregation; position: 1716–719)

Group boundaries are also very visible in the staff’s attitudes towards the burkini. During a group discussion, one attendant declares “the burkini is shit”, and others agree, asserting that people should assimilate.

Above all, what personally saddens me a lot, even 10-year-old girls come completely veiled from head to toe. What are they doing to their own children? And when I fly to these countries like Dubai, I have to adapt to the local conditions. And here, they just do whatever they want. (pool attendant_f segregation; position: 574–591)

The staff perceive the Muslim users as culturally and religiously different, rule-breaking, unfriendly, and, notably, non-swimmers.

PA 1: And I don’t think [they] place as much value on swimming as we do. (…) They paddle around and tell us every time ‘We can swim’, right? PA 2: They’ve already been taught the wrong way and they keep passing it on. It’s a cycle. If the parents don’t know how to swim properly, the children won’t learn it either. If the children… PA 1: And it’s still part of our culture: swimming is important. You should learn it. (pool attendants_f, segregation; position: 615–631)

The pool is in a state of open conflict, with bright boundaries between the groups, and the staff clearly siding with the non-Muslim users. They report incidents of hostility from users, including a Muslim user calling an elderly non-Muslim a “fat pig”. One attendant recounts:

Personally, at some point someone from the foreign fellow citizens literally said to me: “It really bothers me that you’re a Christian and you’re standing here at the edge of the pool and watching out.” (…) And then I really reacted in the same spirit and said: (…) “But it also bothers me that only Muslims swim here and I have to jump in for them.” (pool attendant_f segregation; position: 260–272)

The staff fail to establish a friendly relationship with Muslim users, resulting in a “discriminatory equilibrium” between the groups (Adida, Laitin, and Valfort 2017).

4.4.2 The Structure of Conflict: Restricting and Sanctioning Muslim Users

1) Defining and disciplining the users. The pool initially introduced the separate women’s hours without targeting Muslim women. In fact, approximately 10 % of the swimming pools in Germany offer women’s hours, often catering to older women who do not mind male staff. According to the pool manager, the women’s hours were initially attended by slightly overweight women uncomfortable with their bodies. When the city’s Immigrant Council pushed for the introduction of all-female staff, the demographic shifted, and young Muslim women started attending, disturbing the older women.

That’s this change that you can observe well, I find, in women’s hours. It has always increased: they have more and more taken over the pool, claimed this day for themselves, almost pushed out the Germans, so to speak, that they no longer want to go swimming there. (Pool attendant_f segregation; position 233–259)

Female staff eventually refused to supervise these hours, which led to the hiring of female lifeguards. The number of women attending the separate hours steadily increased to reach about 100 in a pool that was only 25 by 12 m. At this point, the number of lifeguards had to be increased to supervise the women while non-Muslim women, feeling that they were becoming a minority, withdrew from these separate hours. The pool management and staff would like to see a reduction in the number of Muslim users. They hope that the burkini restrictions and the occasional reintroduction of male pool attendants will further this goal.

“Yes, and staffing is now playing into our hands a bit, because we no longer have so many female supervisors, so we now occasionally employ a man. That reduces the ladies, the “worst” ladies in quotation marks (pool attendant_f segregation; position 665–679)

The conflict centers on the type of swimwear and swimming ability, as staff do not allow burkini-wearing women into the deeper parts of the pool.

2) Convincing the staff. The management and staff share anti-Muslim sentiments, viewing Muslim accommodation as dysfunctional and a safety risk. To legitimize the ban of the full burkini, pool attendants recount an incident where three women in burkini nearly drowned:

She had to jump in because the fun turned serious and the girl panicked and sank. And these expansive garments float on the surface while the person goes down. You couldn’t see my colleague at all. She jumped in and was in all the turmoil. Everyone started screaming all at once, yes, the person didn’t scream anymore and just silently went under. (…) We can’t both jump in, but at that moment you have no overview at all. That’s where we said: “This doesn’t work anymore with these clothes. They just have to be tight-fitting and shorter, because otherwise there’s too much fabric.” (Pool attendant_f segregation; position: 496–502)

The staff’s redesigned burkini is drastically different from the original burkini and in addition it is only allowed in the non-swimmer’s pool.

…without a burkini. They are ultimately allowed to cover up to the elbow and up to the knee, that’s allowed, no underwear and ultimately, it should be tight-fitting, so not like a T-shirt ‘I have to hide everything now’ but it has to be tight-fitting swimwear (pool attendant_f segregation; position 319–332)

The municipality supports these rules and accepted the female staff’s refusal to monitor the women’s hours. Thus, the staff succeeded in convincing the municipality to cut down on Muslim accommodation.

3) Convincing other users. The staff does not try to convince other users of Muslim accommodation. Rather, they side with the long-time users, lamenting how the pool’s atmosphere has changed for the worse and regretting the loss of a friendly familiarity in their relationship with their users. The fact that the long-time users felt driven out of women’s hours by Muslim users deeply affected their relationship with them. The religious and cultural boundaries between groups and the outbreak of open conflict make it very difficult, if not impossible, to regulate conflict in interactions as is the case in the multiculturalist and the universalist pool. As a result, conflict regulation is outsourced to the municipality. Users often use citizens’ hotlines, contact the municipality, or seek help from interest groups.

4.4.3 Organizational Responses to Conflict: Formalized Cultural Exclusion

As noted, conflict resolution within the pool’s interaction systems is nearly impossible. As a result, the staff have adopted a strategy of reporting any significant conflicts with users to the pool manager, ensuring he is informed in case of follow-up complaints from the city administration. Due to frequent conflicts, two female pool attendants now work in pairs, serving as witnesses for each other. They describe the difficulties of addressing individual issues when groups of women intervene:

If you say something to one of these ladies, you will have a bunch of six to eight women who don’t actually know each other at all, but of course they really stick together. And that’s why we had to come to an agreement at some point and say: “If there are problems like this, we need to pull the person aside so that we can talk in peace, because everyone interferes all at once.” (Pool attendant_f segregation; position: 548–566)

Staff cite a few select cases where “assimilated immigrants wearing bikinis” have supported them, criticizing other Muslim users for their lack of assimilation. Additionally, the redesigned short and tight-fitting burkini has been formalized through new pictograms specific to this pool. The staff justify these changes with safety concerns, downplaying the religious significance of the burkini. They question why women wear the burkini during women-only hours, mock the argument that “Allah must not see my knee”, highlight the contradictory behaviors of Muslim users, and note that some supposedly modest religious women use vulgar language. Unlike the multicultural pool, which offers swimming lessons during women’s hours, this pool reinforces the fact that many of the burkini-wearing women cannot swim by relegating them to the non-swimmer area.