Abstract
In its first 500 years, Assyrian imperial ideology was based on the idea that the empire was a monopole, a unique and ever-expanding core of order and right that continuously pushed back the borders of a disordered periphery, bringing new lands within the Assyrian state. Across these centuries, this precept resulted in virtually every encounter with other polities and peoples being described in terms of visuality and frontality: the enemy submitted on seeing the king, overwhelmed by his brilliant melammu, and bowed before him. By the late 9th century BC, however, the illusion of a monopolar world could no longer be sustained. Assyria began to come into (often second-hand) contact with numerous rival polities and peer states such as Phrygia, Kush, Dilmun, and Cyprus—places it did not, could not, and would never control. This new geopolitical paradigm formed a problem for Assyrian ideology, both conceptually and rhetorically, one that royal inscriptions attempted to solve through two new narrative tropes, often explicitly linked, about “distant” (rūqu) lands which were apprehensible through hearing (šemû) rather than seeing. As a historical matter, the hermeneutics of this rhetoric form a clear and demonstrable shift in literary style and topos in the last two centuries of the empire; but they further mark a change in mentalité, insofar as “the distant” emerged as a new ontological category of space which could not be integrated into the earlier imperial paradigm.
Abbreviations
- ARAB I-II
=Luckenbill (1927) (where marked by *=not yet edited in RINAP.)
- BIWA
=Borger (1996).
- Fuchs
=Fuchs (1994).
- RIMA 1
- RIMA 2
- RIMA 3
- RINAP 1
- RINAP 3/1
- RINAP 3/2
- RINAP 4
=Leichty 2011.
Acknowledgement
I am grateful to Gina Konstantopoulos for soliciting this paper. I also extend heartfelt thanks to Jamie Novotny, who identified numerous small errors in an earlier draft, provided additional references, and posed important questions; and the anonymous reviewers of another draft; all remaining mistakes are, however, my own. See the bibliography for abbreviations.
References
Borger, R. 1996. Beiträge zum Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.Suche in Google Scholar
Dubovský, P. 2014. Sennacherib’s Invasion of the Levant through the Eyes of Assyrian Intelligence Services. Pp. 249–294 in Sennacherib at the Gates of Jerusalem: Story, History and Historiography, ed. I. Kalimi and S. Richardson. CHANE 71. Leiden: Brill.10.1163/9789004265622_009Suche in Google Scholar
Fales, M. 2017. The Letter to the God Aššur Recounting Sargon’s Eighth Campaign (714 bce) (4.42). Pp. 199–215 in The Context of Scripture, Volume 4: Supplements, ed. K.L. Younger, Jr. Leiden: Brill.Suche in Google Scholar
Fuchs, A. 1994. Die Inschriften Sargons II. aus Khorsabad. Göttingen: Cuvillier.Suche in Google Scholar
Galter, H. 2014. Sargon II. und die Eroberung der Welt. Pp. 329–343 in Krieg und Frieden im Alten Vorderasien, ed. H. Neumann et al. AOAT 401. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.Suche in Google Scholar
Grayson, A.K. 1987. Assyrian Rulers of the Third and Second Millennia BC (to 1115 BC). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Suche in Google Scholar
------. 1991. Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC I (1114–859 BC). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Suche in Google Scholar
------. 1996. Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC II (858–745 BC). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Suche in Google Scholar
Grayson, A.K. and J.R. Novotny. 2012. The Royal Inscriptions of Sennacherib (704-681 BC), Part 1. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.10.1515/9781575066790Suche in Google Scholar
------. 2014. The Royal Inscriptions of Sennacherib (704-681 BC), Part 2. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.Suche in Google Scholar
Liverani, M. 1999–2001. The Sargon Geography and the Late Assyrian Mensuration of the Earth. State Archives of Assyria Bulletin 13: 57–85.Suche in Google Scholar
Luckenbill, D.D. 1927. Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia vols. I–II. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Suche in Google Scholar
Marcus, D. 1977. Animal Similes in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions. Orientalia N.S. 46/1: 86–106.Suche in Google Scholar
Na’aman, N. 1974. Sennacherib’s Letter to God on his Campaign to Judah. BASOR 214: 25–39.10.1515/9781575065656-015Suche in Google Scholar
------. 1998. Sargon II and the Rebellion of the Cypriote Kings against Shilta of Tyre. Orientalia N.S. 67/2: 239–247.Suche in Google Scholar
Pongratz-Leisten, B. 2015. Religion and Ideology in Assyria. SANER 6. Berlin: De Gruyter.10.1515/9781614514268Suche in Google Scholar
Radner, K. 2010. The stele of Sargon II of Assyria at Kition: A focus for an emerging Cypriot identity?. Pp. 429–449 in Interkulturalität in der Alten Welt, ed. R. Rollinger et al. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.Suche in Google Scholar
------. 2014. An imperial communication network: the state correspondence of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Pp. 64–93 in State Correspondence in the Ancient World: From New Kingdom Egypt to the Roman Empire, ed. K. Radner. Oxford: Oxford University Press.10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199354771.003.0004Suche in Google Scholar
Richardson, S. 2007. Death and Dismemberment in Mesopotamia: Discorporation between the Body and the Body Politic. Pp. 189–208 in Performing Death, ed N. Laneri. Oriental Institute Symposium 3. Chicago: The Oriental Institute.Suche in Google Scholar
Rollinger, R. 2016. Megasthenes, mental maps and Seleucid royal ideology: the western fringes of the world or how Ancient Near Eastern Empires conceptualized world dominion. Pp. 129–164 in Megasthenes und seine Zeit, ed. J. Wiesehöfer et al. Classica et Orientalia 13. Wiesebaden: Harrassowitz.10.2307/j.ctvcwnxxw.12Suche in Google Scholar
Scott, J. 1998. Seeing Like A State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed. Yale: Yale University Press.Suche in Google Scholar
Tadmor, H. 1994. The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III King of Assyria: Critical Edition, with Introductions, Translations, and Commentary. Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities.Suche in Google Scholar
Tadmor, H. and S. Yamada. 2011. The Royal Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III (744-727 BC) and Shalmaneser V (726-722 BC). Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.10.1515/9781575066578Suche in Google Scholar
Van De Mieroop, M. 2010. A Study in Contrast: Sargon of Assyria and Rusa of Urartu.Pp. 417–434 in Opening the Tablet Box: Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Benjamin R. Foster, ed S. Melville and A. Slotsky. CHANE 42. Leiden: Brill.10.1163/ej.9789004186521.i-492.120Suche in Google Scholar
© 2018 Walter de Gruyter Inc., Boston/Berlin
Artikel in diesem Heft
- Frontmatter
- The Disciplines of Geography: Constructing Space in the Ancient World
- A Land with No Borders: A New Interpretation of the Babylonian “Map of the World”
- Hittite Geographers: Geographical Perceptions and Practices in Hittite Anatolia
- Assyrians Abroad: Expanding Borders Through Mobile Identities in the Middle Bronze Age
- “They Heard from a Distance”: The šemû-rūqu Paradigm in the Late Neo-Assyrian Empire
- Neighbors through Imperial Eyes: Depicting Babylonia in the Assyrian Campaign Reliefs
- Enemies, Lands, and Borders in Biblical Crossing Traditions
- The Center of the Earth in Ancient Thought
Artikel in diesem Heft
- Frontmatter
- The Disciplines of Geography: Constructing Space in the Ancient World
- A Land with No Borders: A New Interpretation of the Babylonian “Map of the World”
- Hittite Geographers: Geographical Perceptions and Practices in Hittite Anatolia
- Assyrians Abroad: Expanding Borders Through Mobile Identities in the Middle Bronze Age
- “They Heard from a Distance”: The šemû-rūqu Paradigm in the Late Neo-Assyrian Empire
- Neighbors through Imperial Eyes: Depicting Babylonia in the Assyrian Campaign Reliefs
- Enemies, Lands, and Borders in Biblical Crossing Traditions
- The Center of the Earth in Ancient Thought