Startseite Non-expert views of compassion: consensual qualitative research using focus groups
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Non-expert views of compassion: consensual qualitative research using focus groups

  • Martina Baránková , Júlia Halamová und Jana Koróniová
Veröffentlicht/Copyright: 5. Februar 2019

Abstract

Although the research on compassion is growing, there is a lack of knowledge about how non-expert people perceive compassion. Therefore, the aim of the study was to explore compassion from the perspective of non-experts. Our sample consisted of 56 non-expert participants (Slovaks and Czechs) in 10 focus groups and we conducted a Consensual Qualitative Research analysis with two members of a core team and one auditor. In general, compassion was described as a mixture of non-specified positive emotions and specified negative emotions (mainly fear, remorse, and sadness). Compassion was related to empathy. In terms of behaviours, compassion was revealed to help, support, favour, mental closeness, and interest. Compassion is displayed mainly to people close to us in situations of suffering. However, people tend to evaluate beforehand whether the situation and person deserve compassion. Moreover, people are cautious about being exploited through compassion. To sum up, our findings support a multidimensional definition of compassion.

Introduction

The meaning of the word compassion has its origins in the Latin word compati “to suffer with” (Gilbert, 2017). Not only there are multiple and varying definitions of compassion but compassion is often confused with other similar concepts (Gilbert, 2017). Consequently, researchers differ in their perceptions of the construct of compassion. For example, Sprecher and Fehr (2005) view compassion as a form of love, whereas some see compassion as a discrete emotional state (e.g. Haidt, 2003), while Gilbert et al. (2017) consider it a sensitivity allied to motivation and helping behaviour. In contrast, Strauss et al. (2016) perceive compassion to be a multidimensional construct, possessing not only emotional but also cognitive and behavioural components. As proposed by Strauss et al. (2016, p. 19) compassion can be

… cognitive, affective, and behavioural process consisting of the following five elements that refer to both self- and other-compassion: 1. Recognizing suffering 2. Understanding the universality of suffering in human experience 3. Feeling empathy for the person suffering and connecting with the distress (emotional resonance) 4. Tolerating uncomfortable feelings aroused in response to the suffering person (e.g. distress, anger, fear) 5. Motivation to act/ acting to alleviate suffering.

According to research by Ekman (2016) only 20% of those researching emotion perceive compassion to be an emotion. For example, Stellar et al. (2017, p. 2) categorized compassion as a self-transcendent emotion and distinguished it from other positive emotions. They explained self-transcendent emotions as the “...capacity to encourage individuals to transcend their own momentary needs and desires and focus on those of another”. They stated that, according to previous research in this area, self-transcendent emotions, including compassion, are reliably expressed and related to neurophysiological responses. Furthermore, compassion is a positive emotion, but it can be experienced as a negative state. That is why we see compassion as mixed: negative triggers, such as suffering in its various forms, are followed by the motivation to alleviate the suffering in a positive way. As Cacioppo, Gardner, and Berntson (1999) stated, positive and self-transcendent emotions generate motivation. Similarly, Gilbert (2014) perceive compassion to be embedded in motivational and emotional systems evolved for caring.

Differences between compassion and other similar constructs

According to Goetz, Keltner, and Simon-Thomas (2010), compassion is a part of the emotion family, together with pity, sympathy, and empathic concern. Kneafsey, Brown, Sein, Chamley, and Parsons (2016) found that participants described compassion as empathy, but they also saw subtle differences, as empathy is somehow part of compassion, and compassion goes deeper. As stated by Stellar et al. (2017), compassion is not the same as empathy because, in comparison with empathy, compassion does not mean feeling the suffering of another person, but rather being able to recognize that the person is suffering. Therefore, compassion is also connected to the motivation to alleviate suffering (Singer & Klimecki, 2014). This difference occurs on the neurological level as well, because empathy and compassion activate different brain regions (Singer & Klimecki, 2014). Compassion is also often confused with remorse, or pity, because they all occur in situations of suffering. Neff (2003) explained that when people are compassionate they are connected to others and realize that suffering is part of human experience. On the other hand, pity isolates people from others as it is related to condescension towards them, and other people are perceived as weaker (Schantz, 2007). Similarly, Brill and Nahmani (2017) explained that compassionate people are willing to participate in other people’s suffering. Pity, on the other hand, leads people to become detached from other people and to see them as responsible for their own suffering. There are many other constructs related to compassion that are not so frequently mentioned in the literature. For example, Raes, Pommier, Neff, and Van Gucht (2011) consider kindness to be like compassion because it represents one of the three compassion factors together with common humanity and mindfulness. Strauss et al. (2016) highlight the distinction between kindness and compassion. While compassion is characteristic of situations involving suffering, kindness itself may be present in situations that do not involve suffering and is mainly linked to behaviours that are socially desirable. As pointed out by Frazer (2006), and as mentioned above, pity has the connotation of weakness and non-helping behaviour.

Origins of compassion

Self-transcendent emotions will be more dependent on group membership than other positive affective states (Stellar et al., 2017). Stürmer, Snyder, and Omoto (2005) showed that compassion is a strong predictor of prosocial behaviour towards the ingroup but not towards members of the outgroup. According to Stürmer and Snyder (2009), there are two basic motives for helping behaviour. The first is kin selection, our genetic motivation to help preserve our own genetic information with a strong emotional basis. The second is reciprocal altruism, which is a genetic tendency to help non-kin in anticipation of future rewards. The cognitive system helps us to calculate if there is a possibility of a future reward arising from our prosocial behaviour. The crucial point in these motivations is self–other similarity, because this feature is perceived as a sign of affinity. Close non-kin relationships of mutual engagement and similarity can therefore be seen as kin relationships where compassionate behaviour is involved.

Qualitative research on compassion

Kneafsey, et al. (2016) conducted focus groups on compassion in a health care context with health care professionals, students, and health care receivers. Four themes arose from their data: 1) definitions of compassion, 2) compassionate behaviours, 3) barriers to compassion practice, and 4) how to support compassion in clinical practice. The participants had difficulty defining compassion and used very general and vague wording and formulations while doing so. Nonetheless, they defined compassion as an innate emotion which can be developed through education. They did not differentiate between empathy and compassion. They saw compassion as an altruistic quality without personal enrichment. Compassion was also seen as the motivation or responsibility to help someone who is suffering. Participants highlighted personal engagement and positive interactions with others as compassionate behaviour markers. Caring was considered crucial to compassionate behaviour, and included smiling, touching, and eye contact. Possible barriers to compassion were lack of time to form a compassionate relationship with patients and burnout. In in-depth interviews with bereaved carers of patients with dementia, compassion was one of the words frequently used by carers, mainly to refer to little acts of compassion and caring they thought contributed to patient well-being (Crowther, Wilson, Horton, & Lloyd-Williams, 2013). In in-depth interviews with nurses and patients, participants saw compassion and pity as different things (Van der Cingel, 2011), because pity has a negative connotation and was associated with feelings of powerlessness. The data pointed to seven core dimensions of compassion: attentiveness, listening, confronting, involvement, helping attitudes, presence, and understanding. Halamová, Baránková, Strnádelová, and Koróniová (2018) analysed the first three associations for the stimulus word “compassion” using a consensual qualitative analysis on a sample of 151 psychology students. The analysis produced four domains: Emotional, Cognitive, Behavioural and Evaluative Aspects of compassion, and therefore supported multidimensional definitions of compassion. The participants viewed compassion as mainly comprising empathy; the emotions of love, sadness, and remorse; cognitive understanding; and behavioural displays of help and physical or mental closeness. Compassion was primarily directed at people close to them, like family and friends, and secondarily at vulnerable people. Loss or suffering were the most frequent situations in which compassion was expressed. A cross-cultural comparison of perceptions of compassion showed little difference between the perceptions of Slovak participants and Czech participants (Baránková & Halamová, 2018). In both cultures compassion was viewed mainly as comprising empathy, emotions of love, sadness, and remorse, cognitive understanding, behavioral displays of help, physical, and mental closeness, and as occurring in situations of loss or suffering. For Slovaks, compassion was primarily aimed at those close to them, followed by vulnerable people. However, in the Czech sample, compassion was focused primarily on vulnerable people, all people and then people close to them.

Aim of study

To the best of our knowledge, there has been no previous research exploring compassion using the focus group method and from the personal view of non-experts who are not professional helpers. Therefore, the aim of our current study was to investigate, using focus group discussions, non-experts’ personal definitions of compassion, how non-experts distinguish compassion from similar constructs, what their attitudes are towards compassion and how compassion is displayed and expressed. This is an important area of study as compassion and self-compassion are key factors of a happy and healthy life (e.g. Zessin, Dickhäuser, & Garbade 2015). Furthermore, there is a lack of knowledge about how non-expert view them, and people have different kinds of fears concerning compassion (Gilbert, McEwan, Matos, & Rivis, 2011).

Methods

Sample

There were 56 participants in the focus groups. They were Slovak and Czech men (48%) and women (52%) aged 18 to 75 years old. The participants included 12 Czechs. As Czechs and Slovaks have a shared history of living together in one state and understand each other’s languages, we were able to do the focus groups together with everybody speaking their own native language. This enabled us to enrich the data on understanding compassion with data from two cultures. The mean age of the sample was 38.69 with a standard deviation of 18.01. We conducted 10 focus groups in total: three groups of men only (5 members in each), three with women only (6 or 5 members in each), and four focus groups with men and women together (6 members in each). We selected lay participants with no experience of the helping professions (based on sociodemographic data—education and work), as data on professional helpers had been collected in previous research (Baránková & Halamová, 2018; Crowther et al., 2013; Halamová et al., 2018; Kneafsey et al., 2016; Van der Cingel, 2011).

Materials

The participants in each focus group discussed compassion and related topics based on a semi-structured interview format led by a facilitator. The semi-structured interview questions focused on four main areas: 1) Personal meaning of compassion (e.g. What does compassion mean to you?; Please describe it.; Can you describe a situation involving compassion?), 2) Attitudes towards compassion (e.g. What role does compassion play in your life?; What do you experience when someone conveys compassion towards you?; What do you experience when you convey compassion to someone else?; How do you convey compassion in different types of relations or situations?), 3) Distinguishing compassion from other similar constructs (e.g. What is compassion similar to?; What is the opposite of compassion?; Do you think there is a difference between compassion and empathy, remorse, and sadness?; Can you describe them?), and 4) Display of compassion (e.g. How do you know that someone is compassionate towards you?; What is going on inside you when you are compassionate?; How do you know that someone is being compassionate towards you?; Do you think there is a typical way of displaying compassion?). These questions were based on previous research and associations made by lay as well as professional people in relation to the words compassion and self-compassion (Baránková & Halamová, 2018; Halamová, Baránková, Strnádelová, & Koróniová, 2018).

Procedure

At the beginning, information that thematic focus groups would be held was published via social media and advertisements in university-related settings. Prospective participants were required to complete an informed consent form, a socio-demographic questionnaire and to select their preferred focus group time. Afterwards, those who displayed an interest in compassion were invited to a focus group led by student research assistants hired for the study. The group discussions were audio recorded and then transcribed verbatim.

Data analysis

Consensual Qualitative Research

To reduce the risk of distortion we decided to use Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR) analysis, developed by Hill, Thompson, and Williams (1997). In this kind of analysis, the data are investigated by a research team, which means that multiple perspectives and views can be taken into account before a consensus is reached. The whole process is watched over by an independent auditor. Hill et al. (1997) stressed that objectivity is improved throughout the process of data interpretation as all researchers in the CQR team evaluate the possible expectations prior to getting the raw data for analysis. First, the data categorization is done separately, then the team discuss the best ways of eliminating subjectivity in the process (Hill et al., 1997).

In our study there were two assessors in the core research team. The assessors discussed their expectations beforehand. Afterwards, each assessor separately received the raw transcripted data from all the focus groups. The assessors tried to match the statements with the categorizations created in the previous research (Halamová, Baránková, Strnádelová, & Koróniová, 2018). This was because the findings reflected the multidimensional definition of compassion by Strauss et al. (2016). The statements were categorized by each assessor individually and then discussed. After reaching a consensus on the domains, subdomains, categories, subcategories, and characteristics, the assessors submitted their categorization to the auditor who checked it and gave feedback. The auditor’s comments were considered and implemented in the final version of categorization. No inter-coder reliability was computed, the results were reached by consensus between the assessors and the auditor.

Results

A total of 1,947 coded statements resulted from the 10 focus groups containing 56 participants in total. These were then analysed by two assessors and one auditor using CQR. At the beginning of the analysis, it was agreed by consensus that 377 (16.2%) of the statements should be excluded on the grounds of topic irrelevance. The remaining coded statements were categorized into 5 domains, 11 subdomains, 28 categories, 42 subcategories, 11 characteristics, and 11 subcharacteristics. The most frequently represented domain in the data was Emotional Aspect (f = 624; 32%) followed by Behavioural Aspect (f = 593; 30.5%). The third domain was Biological Aspect (f = 391; 20.1%) followed by Evaluative Aspect (f = 305; 15.7%), and the last domain was Cognitive Aspect (f = 34; 1.7%). For a visualization of the frequencies in each domain, see Chart 1. For a summary of the categories resulting from the CQR analysis, see Table 1.

Chart 1 
          Percentage of each domain of compassion
Chart 1

Percentage of each domain of compassion

Table 1

Compassion categorization

COMPASSION 1947
EMOTIONAL o OF COMPASSION 624 BEHAVIOURAL ASPECT OF
Emotions 461 COMPASSION 593
Synonym for emotion 35 Display of help 241
+ Nonspecific positive emotions 98 Help 159
+ Specific positive emotions 17 Desire to help 83
+ Joy 16 Concrete acts of help 39
+ Love 1 Searching for help 29
Help should be provided 8
-+Both positive and negative emotions 35
Support 82
-Nonspecific negative emotions 59 Mental support 57
- Specific negative emotions 267 General support 13
-Fear of compassion 59 Behavioural support 12
For others 23
From others 21 Display of favour 218
Towards self 15 Mental closeness 167
- Remorse 57 Interest 65
- Not the same as remorse 53 Companionship 35
Compassion is not remorse 15 Care 23
Compassion is remorse plus help 25 Humanity 18
Remorse signalizes superiority 10 Being present 14
Remorse is negative and compassion positive 3 Kindness 12
- Sadness 28
- Not the same as sadness 57 Behavioural closeness 29
Sadness is not compassion 28 Touch 18
Sadness is followed by compassion 13 Physical closeness 11
Compassion is sadness plus help 4
Compassion is a broader term than sadness 9 Display of motivation 22
-Pain 14
Display of expression 134
Related to empathy 163 Specific facial expressions 55
The same as empathy 94 Gaze 17
Not the same as empathy 69 Neutral lip corners 15
Empathy is a broader term than compassion 27 Sad eyes 12
Empathy is not compassion 21 Sad eyebrows 7
Compassion is related to suffering 10 Raised eyelid 2
Compassion is empathy plus help 7 Dropped lip corners 2
Compassion is more emotional than empathy 6 Raised lip corners 2
COGNITIVE ASPECT OF COMPASSION 34 Nonspecific facial expression 40
Understanding 34 General expression 39
Understanding situation 22 Understanding others 10 Verbal expressions 25
Nonspecific nonverbal expressions 12
General understanding 2 Gestures 5
Mirroring 4
Posture 3
Paraverbal expressions 2
BIOLOGICAL ASPECT OF EVALUATIVE ASPECT OF
COMPASSION 391 COMPASSION 305
People 376 Evaluation of compassion 148
Types of compassionate relationships 219 Evaluation of adequacy of situation 70
Related to closeness in relationship 142 Evaluation of deservedness 43
Related to vulnerable people 42 Evaluation of importance 21
Unrelated to closeness in relationship 35 Evaluation of unimportance 1 Compassion limits 13
Types of compassionate situations 160
General suffering 73 Evaluation of innateness of compassion 83
Loss 40 Innate with further development 72
Physical suffering 33 Not innate 11
Homelessness 14 Evaluation of altruism of compassionate
Other living things 12 behaviour 74
Animals 11 Misuse of compassion 64
Plants 1 Reciprocity 10
  1. Note. General categories apply to all cases (darker grey). Typical categories apply to at least half of the cases (lighter grey). Variant categories apply to at least one case (no shading).

Discussion

The aim of the study was to explore lay non-expert definitions of compassion, to distinguish compassion from similar constructs, to detect attitudes to compassion and to depict the way in which compassion is displayed and expressed. We analysed data transcribed from focus groups interviews based on previous categorization (Halamová, Baránková, Strnádelová, & Koróniová, 2018) of free associations elicited in professional helpers by the word compassion.

When we compared our findings from the non-expert focus groups with the experts’ free associations (Halamová, Baránková, Strnádelová, & Koróniová, 2018), there was a small difference in frequency, but not in the five main domains: Emotional Aspect, Behavioural Aspect, Biological Aspect, Evaluative Aspect, and Cognitive Aspect. When we compared these categorizations with the categorization of free associations from the Slovak and Czech samples (Baránková & Halamová, 2018), the domains again remained stable, only the categories within the domains and frequency differed slightly. Therefore, the five domains seem to be consistent with various datasets and to be in agreement with the multidimensional definition of compassion by Strauss et al. (2016). Below we discuss each domain in more detail.

Emotional aspect

The Emotional aspect domain occurred most frequently in the categorization. It contained definitions of compassion in terms of emotional states. The most frequent subdomain was Emotions. Some participants perceived compassion as a Synonym for emotion (“For me it is an emotion.”) or a Specifically named emotion. Specific positive emotions that were mentioned were Joy (“It can also be positive compassion, something like joy…”) and Love (“There are many forms of compassion - for example love.”). Surprisingly, Love was mentioned only once, contrary to what Gilbert’s (2017) theory. Unlike in our previous research on free associations for compassion (Baránková & Halamová, 2018; Halamová et al., 2018), in this data, there was no support for compassion as a form of love (Sprecher & Fehr, 2005). It is probable that the participants mentioned love when they wanted to be concise by naming three free associations but articulated it differently in the time and opportunity provided by the focus groups. Love could have been present in compassion towards close people but not mentioned by name. The descriptions and categorization of negative emotions were more diversely described and categorized compared to positive emotions. Many participants discussed the similarity versus the dissimilarity of compassion versus sadness and remorse. A few participants thought compassion identical to Sadness (“It evokes sadness in people…”). But more participants thought that compassion differed from sadness: Sadness is not compassion (“A person can be sad but they don’t have to feel compassion in that situation.”); Sadness is followed by compassion (“First there is compassion and then you can feel sadness…”); Compassion is sadness plus help (“... well, sadness… we can be sad about something but I don’t think help has to be there like in compassion.”); and Compassion is a broader term than sadness (“Compassion is on a higher level than sadness.”).

Remorse was also a controversial topic for the interlocutors. The number of participants who thought compassion the same as Remorse (“I feel remorse for someone who is suffering.”) was approximately equal to those who thought it was Not the same as remorse. Differences between compassion and remorse were discussed using these subcharacteristics: Compassion is remorse plus help (“... remorse needn’t involve help, that’s the difference.”); Compassion is not remorse (“I can’t feel remorse for someone who I share compassion with.”); Remorse signalizes superiority (“Remorse is only for poor you...”); Remorse is negative and compassion positive (“Remorse is more of a negative emotion.”). In our data compassion was sometimes confused with remorse or pity. Some of the participants thought that remorse is related to superiority, which is similar to findings by Schantz (2007) and Frazer (2006).

Our findings support previous quantitative research that showed that people are not used to compassion and find compassion towards oneself and receiving compassion from others difficult and that they can be fearful of compassion (Gilbert et al., 2011). In the data, Fear of compassion was found in various forms: Fear of compassion for others (“...I don’t know how to express emotions like this… it feels weird...”); Fear of compassion from others (“For me, it is unbearable, uncomfortable, I run away from these situations.”) and Fear of compassion towards oneself (“I feel angry rather than sad, but I never feel compassion towards myself at all.”).

Participants thought compassion was like Pain (“In most cases when you see that someone is suffering, you can feel the pain of the sufferer.”) and for some participants, compassion was seen as Both a positive and a negative emotion (“Compassion relates to happy feelings and also to sad feelings, depending on the circumstances.”). Also, some participants mentioned Nonspecific positive emotions (“The very essence of compassion is good, compassion is positive.”) and Nonspecific negative emotions (“I feel very uncomfortable in situations of compassion.”).

The subdomain Related to empathy shows that for many people compassion is The same as empathy (“For me, it is the same; compassion and empathy are the same.”). A smaller number of participants saw compassion as Not the same as empathy. This category had five subcategories. Participants thought that Compassion is more emotional than empathy (“Empathy is maybe more rational and compassion more emotional.”); Compassion is empathy plus help (“I can see the similarities, but one fundamental difference is help – compassion is empathy plus helping someone.”); Compassion is related to suffering (“... compassion is about the bad thing that happens.”); Empathy is not compassion (“...you can see the same problem through his/her eyes when you feel empathy and through your own eyes, when you feel compassion.”) and most of the participants thought that Empathy is a broader term than compassion (“Compassion is more concrete.”). As in research by Kneafsey et al. (2016), participants described compassion as being very close to or the same as empathy with small differences, for example, that empathy is a part of compassion. As Singer and Klimecki (2014) stated, the brain regions involved when compassion is felt differ from those when empathy is felt. Bloom (2016) is another who distinguished between the two constructs (empathy defined as feeling what a person believes the other person feels and compassion as understanding the other person’s situation, based on a similar past experience, together with the desire to end suffering, accompanied by helping behaviour). On top of that, he recommends using rational compassion rather than empathy. This is supported by the research findings of Klimecki, Leiberg, Ricard, and Singer (2014) that people who had received training to feel compassion or empathy showed increased helping behaviours while empathy training increased negative affect in response to other people suffering. It is important to differentiate between these two similar constructs if we are to better cultivate and exploit compassion.

Behavioural aspect

Participants also perceived compassion through the behavioural part of this construct, as doing something to alleviate suffering. This domain consists of 3 subdomains: 1) Display of expression, 2) Display of help, and 3) Display of favour. Participants described Displays of expressions mainly in connection with facial expressions. Specific facial expression was the most numerous category and had the following subcategories: Gaze (“...you can see it through his/her eyes.”); Neutral lip corners (“Lip corners are never pulled down.”); Sad eyes (“I have sad eyes…”); Sad eyebrows (“Outer eyebrows are up and inner down.”); Raised eyelid (“...and you open your eyes wide, because you want to show that you can understand that.”); Dropped lip corners (“The lips go downwards and there is no smile on the face…”); compared to Raised lip corners (“Someone is just smiling…”). Kneafsey et al. (2016) found behaviour connected to compassion was significant too.

Haidt and Keltner (1999) suggested that the facial expression of compassion is most confused with sadness; however, in our data, participants thought compassion and sadness differed. Most of the participants thought sadness was different from compassion, even though many of them felt urged to comment on sadness in relation to compassion. Statements related to sad facial expressions showed that participants saw sad eyes, a sad mouth, and sad eyebrows as partly expressing compassion for example.

Participants thought that there was no specific facial expression for compassion Nonspecific facial expressions (“Each person is unique, and we cannot react in the same way in the same situation.”) and some believed that there was no facial expression for compassion or did not know if there was.

There were also the categories of General expression Verbal (“He/she can read our words…”), Paraverbal (“You can feel it from the tone of voice.”), and Nonspecific nonverbal expressions which consisted of Posture (“...or overall body posture.”); Gestures (“...it´s also about gestures.”) and Mirroring (“I try to look like that person.”). Mirroring appeared in the data in the same way as suggested in the theories, as the part of empathy that includes compassion ( Goetz et al., 2010).

The subdomain Display of help contains the categories Help and Support. Help consisted of 1) Searching for help (“Try to find an opportunity to help.”) 2) Desire to help (“Compassion and the desire to help… to relieve someone’s suffering.”) 3) A concrete act of help (“You can help materially.”), and 4) Help should be provided (“...you have to help in that case.”). Similarly, Kneafsey et al. (2016) saw compassion as the motivation and responsibility to help someone in need. Compared to health care professionals, non-experts mentioned the need to help less often. The category Support comprises: 1) General support (“There is support.”) 2) Behavioural support (“Verbal support or gestural support.”), and 3) Mental support (“Something mentally supportive.”).

Display of favour was divided into three categories: Behavioural closeness [Touch (“Just a hug, that’s the greatest help.”) or Physical closeness (“Sometimes you don’t have to say anything, just be with me.”)], Mental closeness [Interest (“...just bigger interest.”), Companionship (“I’m here with you, you´re not alone.”), Care (“I will show that I care.”), Humanity (“It is a deeply human feature…”), Being present (“We can give some time and space to share things and just to be there.”), and Kindness (“The person is kinder.”)], and Display of motivation (“...sometimes it gives you the energy to do something about it.”). For Gilbert (2017), compassion is related to constructs such as altruism, benevolence, heartedness, prosociality, kindness, and love. However, in our data, these constructs were mentioned rarely.

Biological aspect

There were three subdomains in the Biological aspect of compassion: People was the most frequent, followed by Animals and Plants, which were represented far less. Compassion for people was discussed as Types of compassionate relationships involving Vulnerable people (“For example elderly people in public transport.”) and people close to us, so according to the participants closeness in a relationship is important in compassion Related to closeness in a relationship (“It depends if they are close to me or a stranger.”) or not important Unrelated to closeness in relationship (“Compassion is still the same - whether it is my brother who breaks his arm or my neighbour…”). Therefore, our findings support the importance of reciprocity in compassion and its relation to kin or non-kin relationships (DeSteno, 2015).

Types of compassionate situations mentioned in the discussions were Loss (“Loss of someone close.”), Physical suffering (“Cancer or the look of a sick child.”) or Homelessness (“For example helping someone who has no home.”), and General suffering (“Compassion is suitable in difficult situations…”). While physical suffering, like diseases or injuries, was mentioned frequently, participants completely omitted the possibility of mental suffering, which may be related to the taboo around mental health issues in Slovakia.

Evaluative aspect

People evaluated compassion as an important virtue in life in the category Evaluation of importance (“Compassion is necessary in society; if there ´s no compassion, there will be great chaos.”) and only one person labelled compassion as unimportant – Evaluation as unimportant (“Compassion is not always beneficial.”). In the category Evaluation of compassion, Evaluation of adequacy of situation (“It depends on what caused the situation and why it occurred.”) was important, as was Evaluation of deservedness (“I don’t feel compassion if someone is doing bad things and something terrible happens to him/her.”). According to our data and those of Gilbert (2010), the situational and personal aspects of compassion are evaluated before motivation and helping behaviour are provided to the person suffering. Participants pointed out in Compassion limits (“If you had to share compassion with everyone, you would go mad.”).

Altruism in compassionate behaviour was also evaluated and categorized as Misuse of compassion (for someone’s benefit) (“it is very often exploited or artificially created.”) and as Reciprocity (“I want to help someone who has helped me in a bad situation.”), which is similar to DeSteno’s (2015) statements that we help on a reciprocal basis. From the discussions in the focus groups, it emerged that compassion is perceived as Innate with further development (“Everyone has compassion and if it is not developed, it is the individual’s fault.”) which is consistent with findings of Kneafsey et al. (2016). Only a few participants said that there were some people who have no capacity at all for compassion.

Cognitive aspect

The Cognitive aspect domain was the least frequent one and had a subdomain Understanding which was divided into three categories: General understanding (“...the person starts thinking about it, processing it.”), Understanding others (“To understand another.”), and Understanding a situation (“I try to figure out what happened and why he/she is suffering.”). The Cognitive aspect or understanding is an important part of compassion according to many scholars (e.g. Kneafsey et al., 2016; Strauss et al., 2016; Van der Cingel, 2011).

Limitations and further research

Even though the participants were encouraged to share their opinions in the focus groups, social expectations and desirability could have played a role in the discussions. However, the main categories which arose from the data were the same as in previous research (Halamová, Baránková, Strnádelová, & Koróniová, 2018).

In future research, compassion should be investigated through focus groups with experts or by means of in-depth interviews. In addition, a cross-cultural comparison with samples from different cultures would allow for a deeper understanding of compassion.

Conclusion

Based only on the general categories from our data, we can describe compassion as follows: Compassion is a mixture of non-specified positive and specific negative emotions (mainly fear, remorse, and sadness). Compassion is related to empathy. In terms of behaviours, compassion shows up as help, support, favour, mental closeness, and interest. Compassion is displayed mainly to people close to us who are in situations of suffering. However, people tend to evaluate beforehand whether the situation and person deserve compassion or not. In addition, compassion is viewed as innate with the need to further develop it. Moreover, people are cautious about being exploited through compassion. To sum up, our findings support a multidimensional definition of compassion.


1 Writing this work was supported by VEGA Grant 1/0578/15 and Grant UK/329/2018.


Acknowledgements

We would like to thank the following students for help collecting the data: Zuzana Hladišová, Adam Karpinský, and Aneta Puškárová.

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Published Online: 2019-02-05
Published in Print: 2019-01-28

© 2019 Institute for Research in Social Communication, Slovak Academy of Sciences

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