Gendered Virginity in Pakistan: Rituals, Trials, and Punishment for a Girl in a Bāgārrī Community of Sindh

3.1 Testing Virginity

Varying from culture to culture, testing virginity is still under practice in many cultures around the world. Specific communities in rural KwaZulu Natal in South Africa and Swazil perform virginity tests on school-aged girls, intending to deter premarital sexual activity and reduce transmission of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) (Behrens 2014). In India, the test has been part of the sexual assault assessment of female rape victims (Ayotte 2000). In Zimbabwe, female virginity is valued on the basis of asymmetrical gender power relations and supported by kinship systems and family values. Female virginity is used as a bargaining tool in bride wealth negotiations involving cattle as a chief commodity in bargaining, although cash has also replaced cattle as bride wealth (Hunter, 2010). Cooper and Nylander (2010) state that in many cultures, remaining a virgin until the wedding day is crucial. They note that girls are encouraged to save their hymen for their husbands, and around the wedding night, rituals take place to prove the virginity of the bride-to-be. Some girls are taken to medical doctors to obtain a certificate of their virginity. In some cases, after their first sexual intercourse with their new husband, a cloth with the bride’s blood must be shown to the relatives, friends, and neighbors (ibid.). If they perceive proof that the bride is not a virgin, the marriage can be dissolved (Cooper and Nylander 2010). This is also true among the contemporary Bāgārrī community of Sindh.

The virginity testing ceremony of the Bāgārrī community has multiple consequences, which can be understood by utilizing frameworks. Mead’s (1928) idea of the sacred maid illustrates how honor and dignity can be conferred onto a virgin within a community, illustrating the high regard that many communities have for female purity. This is similar to what is done in Bāgārrī society, where a girl’s virginity is determined by a Bhōpā using wheat grains in the Pōthī rite. The results of this ritual – rewards for those who pass and penalties for those who fail – highlight how virginity is not merely a personal attribute but a societal expectation that carries significant social and political weight.

Ortner (1974) shows the ways in which societal control over women’s bodies is a means of maintaining social order. In many cultures, including the Bāgārrī community, female sexuality is strictly regulated through sociocultural norms, particularly religious patterns. This control is demonstrated in public by the Pōthī ritual, which serves as an example of commitment to community standards. By enforcing these norms, ritual helps sustain the existing power dynamics and patriarchal structures within the community. This control reflects that the emphasis on virginity is a reflection of larger cultural ideals and that women’s bodies are regulated to maintain social hierarchy (see Ortner 1974).

In the Pōthī ritual, the female body thus becomes critical phenomenon where sociocultural and political dynamics intersect, similar to the sacred maid practice in Samoa, as the Pōthī ritual in the Bāgārrī community highlights the intricate relationships among gender, culture, and authority. By controlling female sexuality, these rituals uphold patriarchal norms in addition to social order. Showing gender and power, it demonstrates how the regulation of virginity serves to uphold societal norms and values, thereby reflecting the intricate relationship between individual bodies and the larger social framework (see Mead, 1928; Ortner, 1978).

3.2 Pōthī Ritual: The Virginity Trial and Ritual

Since prehistoric times, ritual has remained one of the most important human cultural activities for both traditional and modern societies. In other words, ritual is culturally universal (Davis-Floyd and Laughlin 2016). According to Davis-Floyd (2003, 8), “a ritual is a patterned, repetitive, and symbolic enactment of a cultural (or individual) belief or value.” Rituals are generally performed within a specific sociocultural frame that works to intensify the ritual’s meaning and effectiveness. Herein, we address ritual performances around virginity among the Bāgārrī “Indigenous” community of Sindh. Performing the ritual of virginity test has for centuries – or perhaps millennia – been an important part of their culture; it enacts their underlying belief that women should be “pure” before marriage. In this context, “pure” signifies the sociocultural expectation that a woman should be virgin before marriage. It refers to the idea of chastity and moral cleanliness, suggesting that a woman’s worth or acceptability is often tied to her sexual purity. This belief is deeply embedded in the societal norms and practices that value women’s sexual behavior as a symbol of honor and adherence to cultural or religious codes.

The Bāgārrī virginity test as a rite of passage – a smaller rite within the overall rite of the passage of marriage, without which the marriage cannot proceed – has its primary goal of the abstinence of girls and women from sexual intercourse until marriage. Most virginity rituals and rites of passage include private seclusion of the female, which initiates informal, indigenous sex education (Beckwith and Fisher 2002). All Bāgārrī girls know that they will have to undergo this ritual test, so most do abstain for fear of failing that test. A young woman who remains a virgin until marriage is a source of pride and honor to her family and community. Loss of virginity before marriage has severe consequences, such as public humiliation, social rejection, dishonor to the family, failure to secure a husband, and low bride wealth if she marries (Alaba 2004).

As mentioned previously, the Bāgārrī community tests the virginity of girls by performing a religious ceremony called Pōthī. The word “Pōthī” means “the sacred turban of a goddess” and “sacred wheat grains,” which are kept in the Mandir (holy place or temple) and in every home. The Pōthī ritual is considered a means of communication between humans and the goddess specific to that particular Bāgārrī community. It is performed by a Bhōpā of that community. According to 60-year-old man Girdhari Lal, who is both a farmer and Pūnch (a community leader) and has primary education:

پوٿي رسم بابت ڪا به لکت ۾ ثابتي موجود ناهي. اسان ان بابت پنهنجي ابن ڏاڏن کان ٻڌو آهي ۽ روحاني سڪون ۽ ڪامياب شادي لاءِ هن رسم کي ادا ڪندا آهيون. شادي جي ڏينهن، جڏهن ڇوڪريون گهوٽ جي گهر اينديون آهن، ته اسان پوٿي کان پڇندا آهيون ته ڇا ڪنوار اسان جي خاندان جو حصو بڻجي سگهي ٿي يا نه. پو ٿي رسم ادا ڪرڻ کان پوءِ، اسان فيصلو ڪندا آهيون ته ڪنوار کي خاندان جو حصو بڻائڻ جي اجازت ڏني وڃي. ان ڪري، هن رسم کي “خاندان ۾ نئين ميمبر جي داخلا” به چيو ويندو آهي

There is no written evidence regarding the Pothi ritual. We have learned about it from our ancestors and perform this ritual for spiritual peace and a successful marriage. On the wedding day, when the bride arrives at the groom’s house, we consult the Pothi to determine whether the bride can become a part of our family. After performing the Pothi ritual, we decide whether to allow the bride to become a member of the family. Therefore, this ritual is also referred to as the “entry of a new member into the family.”

All kin relatives and friends are invited to participate. The family members sit around the intended bride and groom. The Pōthī ritual does not involve a vaginal exam but rather determines whether the bride is a virgin by looking at the wheat grains. They use precisely 200 wheat grains, putting them into a gold, silver, or metal vessel. The type of vessel conveys the Bāgārrī member’s economic position. Gold vessels symbolize upper-class status, silver vessels convey middle-class status, and metal vessels are used by lower-class Bāgārrī.

The Bhōpā starts the Pōthī ritual and keeps the Gita (the holy book of Hinduism) and pictures of their god/goddess nearby. He opens the vessel and removes all of the wheat grains and then recites some verses from the gita. The intended bride sits in the center with her expected husband. She remains silent during ritual while the priest recites magical spells.

During the ritual, Bhōpā throws the wheat grains on the sacred shawl, which is kept on the Chatai (carpet). However, Bhōpā starts the ritual to throw the wheat grain on the table seven times. If even numbers of wheat grains from 2 to 20, such as 2-4-6-8-10-12-14-16-18 and 20, are consecutively repeated four times with the right hand and three times with the left hand, the girl is considered a virgin. During ritual, if two even numbers are repeated and a third number is odd, then girls are not virgins. In contrast, if odd numbers 1 to 19, such as 1-3-5-7-9-11-13-15-17-19, consecutively appear three times with the left hand, the girl is not a virgin

Hence, she cannot be considered eligible to become a part of the groom’s family because it brings dishonor to the family and community. The goddess of that group is believed to determine the outcome of what has long been called ritual “divination”, which is accomplished in other cultures by casting dice, tossing a coin, or reading tea leaves or Tarot cards, for a few brief examples (see Davis-Floyd and Laughlin 2016).

Once the ritual is performed and the bride is declared to be a virgin, Bhōpā gives her an amulet, which she must wear throughout her life. The bride then receives many gifts from her kin and relatives, such as cloth, animals, and money. One female interlocutor, who was in her late 50s, stated:

نئين شادي شده جوڙي لاءِ پوٿِي ڪرڻ جو سبب اهو آهي ته پوٿِي جي ذريعي اسان کي ڄاڻ ۾ اچي ٿو ته ڇوڪري شادي کان اڳ ڪنهن سان جنسي تعلق رکيو آهي يا نه. هي اسان جو يقين آهي – ته پوٿِي سچائي سان سڀ ڪجهه ٻڌائي ٿي. ڪيترين ئي نسلن کان، اسان پوٿِي تي مضبوط يقين رکيو آهي. گندم جي دا ڻن ذريعي، اسين ديوي جا خيال ڄاڻون ٿا

The reason to perform Pōthī for the newly wedding couple is that because of Pōthī, we know that girl had [or not] sexual intercourse with someone before marriage. This is our belief--that Pōthī tells us everything truly. For many generations, we have strongly believed in Pōthī. Through the wheat grains, we know the views of the goddess.

These words provide valuable insights into the cultural system within the Bāgārrī community, particularly regarding the significance of the Pōthī ritual for newlywed couples. Highlighting that the primary purpose of performing the Pōthī is to ascertain whether the girl has engaged in sexual intercourse before marriage, it reveals the community’s emphasis on premarital chastity and the importance placed on ritual as a means of verifying a bride’s virginity.

The quote reflects a deep-seated conviction in the efficacy and accuracy of the Pōthī ritual. The belief in ritual truthfulness suggests strong adherence to sociocultural practices and a reliance on cultural and religious symbols as reliable sources of information. This belief system is likely deeply ingrained in the community’s collective consciousness and passed down through generations, indicating the ritual’s enduring significance. The mention of the community’s longstanding belief in the Pōthī ritual emphasizes the historical and intergenerational continuity of this practice. The ritual has persisted over time, suggesting cultural continuity and a sense of shared identity within the community. The enduring belief in the Pōthī ritual shows the role of tradition in shaping social norms.

Also, it introduces a spiritual dimension to the Pōthī ritual. The use of wheat grains as a medium suggests a symbolic connection to the goddess and implies a form of divination or communication with the divine. The belief that the views of the goddess can be discerned through ritual further intertwines cultural practices with spiritual beliefs, highlights the holistic nature of the community’s worldview.

These words reflect a complex interplay between cultural, religious, and spiritual dimensions within the Bāgārrī community, which surrounds a female body. The Pōthī ritual serves not only as a practical means of determining premarital chastity but also as a deeply ingrained cultural practice with symbolic and spiritual significance. The participants’ words provide a glimpse into the intricate web of beliefs, traditions, and spirituality that shape the community’s understanding of morality and marital sanctity. Understanding these expressions is crucial for appreciating the depth of cultural practices and the interwoven nature of belief systems within the Bāgārrī community.

3.3 Young Girls’ Perceptions of the Pōthī Ritual

Anjali is a 17-year-old girl of the Bāgārrī community. She said, “I feel that the Pōthī ritual is a burden for me and entire women of my community”. A young girl named Kavita, who is 18 years old, elaborated that,

پوٿي رسم پراڻي آهي. اها عورتن سان ناانصافي ڪري ٿي ۽ پدرشاهي قدرن کي مضبوط ڪري ٿي، جن کي للڪارڻ گهرجي

The Pōthī ritual, as outdated, unfairly targeted women and reinforced patriarchal values that should be challenged.

Another girl, Priya, in her teenage years, shared the following:

پوٿي رسم هڪ ضروري روايت آهي جيڪا باگڙي برادري جي ثقافتي ورثي کي برقرار رکڻ ۾ مدد ڪري ٿي. وڌيڪ، مان سمجهان ٿي ته هن رسم ۾ حصو وٺڻ سان مون کي پنهنجي برادري سان ڳنڍجڻ جو احساس ٿئي ٿو ۽ مان پنهنجي ابن ڏاڏن سان وڌيڪ جڙيل محسوس ڪريان ٿي۔

The Pōthī ritual is a necessary tradition that helps maintain the cultural heritage of the Bāgārrī community. Furthermore, I believe that participating in the ritual connects me within the community and helps me feel more connected to my ancestors.

A girl named Sunita experiences a sense of belonging and identity through the Pōthī ritual. She said that participating in the ritual makes her feel connected to her community and its traditions. However, she is also aware of the potential for abuse and discrimination associated with failing the test. Furthermore, she believes that while ritual is important, safeguards should exist to protect girls from negative consequences and ensure their dignity and respect.

A girl named Seeta, aged 20 years, said that,

پوٿي رسم سٺو عمل ناهي. مان انهن ڇوڪرين جي جذباتي اثر بابت پريشان آهيان جيڪي هن آزمائش ۾ ناڪام ٿين ٿيون، ۽ سماجي بدناميءَ جو ڊپ رکن ٿيون. مان سماجي نتيجن ۽ همعصرن ۽ وڏيرن جي فيصلن بابت فڪرمند آهيان، جيڪي هن رسم کي فخر ۽ پريشاني ٻنهي جو ذريعو بڻائن ٿا

Pothi ritual is not a good practice; I am concerned about the emotional impact on girls who fail the test, fearing societal stigma. I am worried about social repercussions and judgments from peers and elders, which makes ritual a source of both pride and anxiety.

Rani, a young girl aged 17 years living in a Bāgārrī community, stated that the Pōthī ritual is a rite of passage that signifies respect and honor within the community. She feels proud to participate and believes that passing the ritual brings prestige and recognition to their community. Kajul, a 19-year-old girl in the Bāgārrī community, said that,

مان عوامي سطح تي ڪنوارپ جو امتحان ۽ ان تي فيصلو ڪرڻ واري خيال سان بيچيني محسوس ڪريان ٿي، ۽ مون کي ان غير ضروري دٻاءُ بابت ڳڻتي آهي، جيڪو نوجوان ڇوڪرين تي وجھيو وڃي ٿو، جيڪي شايد اهڙي ڇنڊڇاڻ لاءِ تيار يا راضي نه هجن.

I am uncomfortable with the idea of having virginity publicly tested and judged, and I are concerned about the excessive stress it places on young girls who may not feel ready or willing to undergo such scrutiny.

Similarly, Lakshmi noted that I respect the Pōthī ritual for its religious significance and appreciate its role in her cultural upbringing. Radha, in her seventeens, said that:

مان پوٿي رسم مان بي حد دٻاءُ محسوس ڪريان ٿي ۽ ان جي منهنجي مستقبل تي اثرن بابت پريشان آهيان. مون کي ڊپ آهي ته امتحان ۾ ناڪاميءَ سان منهنجي ساک ۽ ڪميونٽي ۾ منهنجي امڪانن تي منفي اثر ٿي سگهي ٿو. مان چاهيان ٿي ته ڪو اهڙو متبادل طريقو هجي جيڪو ثقافتي روايتن جي عزت ڪري، پر ڇوڪرين کي ڪنوارپ جي بنياد تي اهڙي سخت ڇنڊڇاڻ ۽ فيصلو جو نشانو نه بڻائي.

I feel immense pressure from the Pōthī ritual and worries about its impact on my future. She fears that failing the test could negatively affect my reputation and prospects within the community. I wish there will be an alternative way to honor cultural traditions that do not subject girls to such intense scrutiny and judgment on the basis of their virginity status.

3.4 A Gendered Political System: Panchāyāt’s Role

As noted earlier, the declaration of nonvirginity gathers the community to decide further proceedings about the girl. A local political system, called Panchāyāt, becomes active. Among the Bāgārrī, leadership and authority are exercised via sociocultural patterns. The acquisition of the Pānch (leadership) status follows a hereditary path. For example, a Pānch status is acquired by birth; it usually goes to one of the Pānch’s sons. If the Pānch has no sons, then upon his death, the authority goes to his brothers or brothers’ sons. This hereditary system underscores the importance of lineage in determining leadership positions, emphasizing continuity within familial lines.

The Panchāyāt is a collective body, with one male member chosen from each clan to represent their Pārro in an annual meeting convened at varying locations decided by the Bāgārrī tribal council. Within each clan, one man assumes the role of the Pānch, or leader, whereas the other 10 males become members of the Panchāyāt. The clan Pānch holds a position of influence and authority, particularly in decisions related to communal matters.

The Pānch from each clan plays a crucial role in the Pōthī ritual. During this ritual, Panchāyāt members have the responsibility to determine the punishment for the girl who fails the virginity test. This process highlights the intersection of sociocultural norms in regulating individual behavior within the community.

Interestingly, if a girl expresses hesitation or reluctance in discussing her physical relations with her boyfriend, a member of the Pānchāyāt speaks on her behalf. The Pānchāyāt members subsequently become witnesses for the girl, influencing the outcome of the proceedings. This illustrates a nuanced aspect of communal support within the cultural framework, where the Pānchāyāt serves not only as an adjudicating body but also as an advocate for individuals within the community.

Analytically, this sociocultural structure within the Bāgārrī community reveals the intricate ways in which leadership, authority, and communal decisions are intertwined with familial lineage and established cultural norms. The utilization of the Panchāyāt in the context of the virginity test highlights the community’s reliance on traditional systems to govern and regulate social conduct. Additionally, the involvement of the Pānchāyāt in advocating for the girl signifies a complex interplay between communal expectations and individual circumstances, reflecting the dynamic nature of cultural practices within the Bāgārrī community.

Gomindo (a clan Pānch) was of the view that:

پنچائت وٽ ڇوڪري جو شاهد ٿيڻ جو اختيار آهي. مذهبي اڳواڻ، ڀوپو، ڇوڪري جو وڪيل آهي. ڇوڪري جي خاندان جا پنج ميمبر به شاهد بڻجن ٿا ۽ هڪ ٻي پوٿِيءَ جي درخواست ڪن ٿا ته ڏسو، ڇا ديوي کيس معاف ڪندي. جيڪڏهن ديوي معاف ڪري ڇڏيندي، ته پوءِ اسان ان [ديوي] کي ٻه ٻکريون يا ٻيون شيون پارساد ڏينداسين

Panchayat has the power to become a witness to the girl. The religious leader, Bhōpā, is like an advocate for the girl. Five members from the bride’s family also become witnesses and request another Pōthī to see if the goddess will forgive her; in that case, we will give her [the goddess] a Pārsād of two goats, or other things.

During this second Pōthī ritual, Bhōpā requests that the goddess forgives the young woman through the wheat grains. Bhōpā starts the new ritual: if an even number of wheat grains is consecutively repeated three times out of five, then she is forgiven by the Pōthī goddess. If the goddess forgives the bride-to-be, the groom’s family accepts her to be part of their family. After forgiveness, she is provided Pōthī threads that the women make into a necklace, which the bride-to-be must wear throughout her life. The forgiven girl then meets all family members and receives āshīrwārd (blessings) from elders.

In contrast, an odd number that is repeated three times out of five means that the goddess does not forgive her. Afterward, the girl is forced to disclose the name(s) of her sexual partner(s). If she does not disclose these names, then the bride’s parents are forced to pay the divorce price as compensation for the expenditure carried at the time of marriage by the groom’s parents.

The Pōthī ritual holds a distinct place in the cultural practices of the Bāgārrī community, occurring immediately after the marriage ceremony and preceding the newlyweds’ first night together. Its primary purpose is to ascertain the bride’s virginity, which is a significant aspect of the community’s cultural framework. The ritual involves scrutinizing wheat grains and is believed to hold the key to revealing whether the bride has engaged in sexual intercourse before marriage. This symbolic act reflects the community’s adherence to sociocultural practices and their reliance on cultural symbols for determining marital sanctity.

The aftermath of the Pōthī ritual takes a consequential turn, as Panchayat, the local political system, assumes the responsibility of deciding punishment for the girl on the basis of the outcomes of the test. The severity of the punishments illustrates the gravity with which the community views premarital relations. The options for punishment include being beaten with a hot iron stick or being dropped into a trench until the girl discloses the names of her purported partners.

The imposition of such physical and emotional punishments reflects the community’s strict enforcement of social norms and moral conduct, particularly concerning premarital relationships. The use of a hot iron stick suggests not only physical pain but also the potential for lasting scars, serving as a visible reminder of the consequences of transgressing cultural norms.

The alternative punishment, being dropped into a trench until disclosing her partners’ names, adds a psychological dimension to the consequences. The confined space and deprivation of food and water create a challenging and isolating environment. Temporary seclusion becomes a pressure tactic, intensifying the emotional and physical toll on the girl until she reveals the information sought by the community.

The specific duration of this isolation, lasting one or two days, adds an element of temporal urgency to the ordeal. The girl’s inability to eat or drink during this period further illustrates the severity of the consequences of not divulging the names of her alleged partners. This harsh approach is designed to compel disclosure, revealing the community’s prioritization of maintaining traditional values and the perceived sanctity of marriage.

If a girl reveals the name of a boy, then Pānchāyāt determines punishment for both; if the boy belongs to the same clan, he is forced to pay money to groom the family and is not allowed to marry in the same clan. If the boy is already married, then his wife determines the punishment for him. In some cases, the wife may beat her husband in front of Pānchāyāt or demand a divorce. On the other hand, there was strict punishment for the girls in the Bāgārrī community. If a girl was found to not be a virgin, then every kin relative beat, torts and even kills her. Presently, if girls were deemed to have had sex before marriage, their clothes were torn in front of all their relatives and hang over their heads with trees. However, in a few cases, if a girl’s partner belongs to another community (Muslim), then there will be punishment only for the girl, not for the boy.

Unlike for girls and young women, there is no test for male members. In Pakistan, including Sindh Province, there are two terms that can be closely associated with the English term virgin: Kunwari and Kunwaro. “Kunwari” is used for those females who have never engaged in sex, whereas “Kunwaro” is used for a male member who has never had sex; despite these two categories existing in the same society, only women have to prove that they are Kunwari. This fact reveals the strong patriarchal structure of Bāgārrī culture, which enables and justifies the highly differential treatment of women and men. This structure is also reflected and perpetuated in the fact that the new bride goes to live with her husband’s family, where she is regarded as the lowest member in the family hierarchy and may be mistreated and abused until she gains the status and prestige of having sons of her own. If she produces only daughters, her status will remain low.

It illuminates the contested nature of the body, where personal experiences intertwine with sociocultural and political forces and resonate with the multilayered dimensions of individual, social, and political bodies (see Scheper-Hughes and Lock 1987). In the context of virginity testing within the Bāgārrī community in Pakistan’s Sindh Province, the Pōthī ritual represents a personal experience and serves as a societal mirror reflecting prevailing norms and power structures. The repercussions extend to the body politic, where the outcomes trigger responses from the local political system, the Pānchāyāt. These cultural practices of virginity testing reveal patterns of culture, such as how they give privileges to some and affect others (Ali 2023).