Abstract
The aim of this acoustic study of voiced and voiceless word-initial plosives is to establish the nature of the relationship between prosodic positions, accent, and segmental phonetics in Polish. Four different acoustic parameters were investigated (VOT, pitch, F1, and preceding vowel’s duration). The results show rather modest effects of prosodic position. The findings are interpreted with reference to the prosodic typology posited in the Onset Prominence representational framework (OP), in which prosodic domains are not imposed from above but rather are formed according to opposing mechanisms of ‘submersion’ and ‘adjunction’. The findings support the claim that Polish belongs to the latter category, in which only modest effects of position are expected.
Funding source: Polish National Science Centre
Award Identifier / Grant number: 2015/19/N/HS2/03395
Acknowledgements
This work has been supported by a grant from the Polish National Science Centre (Narodowe Centrum Nauki), Project Number 2015/19/N/HS2/03395. We are grateful to Adam Olender for his help with data collection and the two anonymous reviewers whose valuable comments helped us immensely. Any remaining errors are our own responsibility.
-
Declarations of interest: None.
Here we present the complete list of sentences that were produced by the participants of the present study. The list does not include filler sentences that followed the same pattern. The target words are bolded.
| Target word | Vowel | Type | Sentence | English traslation |
|---|---|---|---|---|
|
bawić [bavit͡ɕ] ‘to play/to entertain’ (inf.) |
[a] | U-I | W tym momencie się uczymy. Bawić możemy się po szkole. | Right now we’re studying. Playing can wait till after school. |
| P-I | Jeśli teraz się uczymy, bawić będziemy się po lekcjach. | If we’re studying right now, we’ll play after school. | ||
| P-M | Na tym szkoleniu uczymy bawić publiczność dowcipami. | At this training we’re learning how to entertain the audience with some jokes. | ||
|
bywać [bɨvat͡ɕ] ‘being’ (ger.) |
[ɨ] | U-I | Tak dziś postanowiliśmy. Bywać w kinie będziemy w piątki. | That’s what we decided on today. Being in the cinema will be a Friday tradition. |
| P-I | Choć tak postanowiliśmy, bywać w domu częściej jest trudno. | Even though that’s what we decided on, being at home more often is difficult. | ||
| P-M | Zgodnie postanowiliśmy bywać w pracy także w soboty. | We all agreed on being at work also on Saturdays. | ||
|
bochen [bɔxɛn] ‘a loaf’ (nom. sg.) |
[ɔ] | U-I | Codziennie go wypiekamy. Bochen żytniego chleba jest smaczny. | We bake it every day. A loaf of rye bread is tasty. |
| P-I | Zawsze gdy go wypiekamy, bochen pszennego chleba jest chrupki. | Whenever we bake it, the loaf of wheat bread is crunchy. | ||
| P-M | Od pokoleń wypiekamy bochen wiejskiego chleba na mące. | For generations, we’ve been baking a loaf of rustic bread. | ||
|
befsztyk [bɛfʂt͏ɨk] ‘a beefstake’ (nom. sg.) |
[ɛ] | U-I | Nieraz go tu zamawiamy. Befsztyk wołowy to ich specjalność. | We often order this. The beefsteak is their specialty. |
| P-I | Zawsze gdy go zamawiamy, befsztyk tatarski jest wysmażony. | Every time we order it, the beefsteak is well-done. | ||
| P-M | Tradycyjnie zamawiamy befsztyk wieprzowy z ziemniakami. | As per usual we order a beefsteak with potatoes. | ||
|
dawać [davat͡ɕ] ‘to give’ (inf.) |
[a] | U-I | Naprawdę to uwielbiamy. Dawać prezent jest bardzo przyjemnie. | We really love this. Giving [someone] a gift is very nice. |
| P-I | Jakkolwiek to uwielbiamy, dawać kwiatów nie można codziennie. | However much we love this, giving flowers every day is unseemly. | ||
| P-M | My najbardziej uwielbiamy dawać książki z okazji urodzin. | We love giving people books for birthdays the most. | ||
|
dywan [dɨvan] ‘a carpet’ (nom. sg.) |
[ɨ] | U-I | Niezbyt często go trzepiemy. Dywan zwykle tylko odkurzamy. | We don’t beat it very often. The carpet is usually just vacuumed. |
| P-I | Zawsze kiedy go trzepiemy, dywan kurzy się na wszystkie strony. | Every time we beat it, the carpet spews out dust everywhere. | ||
| P-M | Dwa razy w roku trzepiemy dywan małą trzepaczką z wikliny. | Twice a year we beat the carpet using a small wicker carpet-beater. | ||
|
dowód [dɔvut] ‘proof’ (nom. sg.) |
[ɔ] | U-I | Niezwłocznie go przedstawimy. Dowód wpłaty wyjaśni sprawę. | We’ll present it at once. The proof of payment will explain everything. |
| P-I | Gdy tylko go przedstawimy, dowód zbrodni obciąży sprawcę. | As soon as we present it, the proof will incriminate the perpetrator. | ||
| P-M | Na rozprawie przedstawimy dowód winy oskarżonego. | During the trail we’ll present the proof that incriminates the perpetrator. | ||
|
defekt [dɛfɛkt] ‘a glitch’ (nom. sg.) |
[ɛ] | U-I | W warsztacie go usuniemy. Defekt silnika nie jest poważny. | We’ll fix this in the shop. The glitch in the engine isn’t serious. |
| P-I | Jeśli go nie usuniemy, defekt czujnika wywoła spięcie. | If we don’t fix it, the glitch in the sensor will cause short circuit. | ||
| P-M | Na przeglądzie usuniemy defekt przewodu paliwowego. | During the inspection will fix the glitch in the fuel line. | ||
|
gafy [ɡafɨ] ‘ blunder’ (nom. pl.) |
[a] | U-I | Niekiedy je popełniamy. Gafy czasem nam się przydarzają. | We make them from time to time. Blunders happen every so often. |
| P-I | Kiedy już je popełniamy, gafy warto po prostu przemilczeć. | If we actually make them, blunders are best left unmentioned. | ||
| P-M | Nieświadomie popełniamy gafy podczas spotkań towarzyskich. | Unbeknownst to us we make blunders during social occasions. | ||
|
gyros [ɡɨrɔs] ‘gyros’ (nom. sg.) |
[ɨ] | U-I | Specjalnie go przyrządzamy. Gyros z papryką jest wyśmienity. | We’re making it specifically for this occasion. Gyros with pepper is delicious. |
| P-I | Zawsze gdy go przyrządzamy, gyros z indyka smakuje gościom. | Every time we make it, turkey gyros is appreciated by the guests. | ||
| P-M | W każdy wtorek przyrządzamy gyros z frytkami i warzywami. | Every Tuesday we make gyros with chips and veggies. | ||
|
gofry [ɡɔfrɨ] ‘a waffle’ (nom. pl.) |
[ɔ] | U-I | Od jutra je sprzedajemy. Gofry z jogurtem to u nas nowość. | We’re starting the sale tomorrow. Waffles with yogurt are our novelty. |
| P-I | Od kiedy je sprzedajemy, gofry z kokosem robią furorę. | Ever since we started selling them, waffles with coconut have been a sensation. | ||
| P-M | W naszym punkcie sprzedajemy gofry z polewą czekoladową. | Here we sell waffles with chocolate sauce. | ||
|
geny [ɡɛnɨ] ‘a gene’ (nom. pl.) |
[ɛ] | U-I | Zawodowo je badamy. Geny roślin to nasza działka. | It’s our job to study them. The genes of plants is are our specialty. |
| P-I | Dlatego iż je badamy, geny ptaków nie są nam obce. | Since we study them, the genes of birds are familiar to us. | ||
| P-M | W naszym ośrodku badamy geny ludzi chorych na raka. | In this centre we study the genes of cancer patients. | ||
|
pawła [pavwa] ‘Paul’ (gen. sg.) |
[a] | U-I | Wszyscy bardzo go lubimy. Pawła Lisa znamy od gimnazjum. | We all like him very much. Paul Lis [we’ve] known since middle school. |
| P-I | Chociaż bardzo go lubimy, Pawła Wilka nie cierpi nasz sąsiad. | Even though we like him very much, Paul Wilk is not liked by our neighbour. | ||
| P-M | Chyba najbardziej lubimy Pawła Sowę za jego dowcipy. | It’s likely that our favourite thing about Paul Sowa is his sense of humour. | ||
|
pychę [p͏ɨxɛw̃] ‘pride’ (acc. sg.) |
[ɨ] | U-I | Stanowczo je potępiamy. Pychę i butę trzeba piętnować. | We strongly condemn this. Pride and arrogance has to be stigmatised. |
| P-I | Jakkolwiek je potępiamy, pychę i zazdrość trudno jest zwalczyć. | Although we condemn them, pride and envy is difficult to fight. | ||
| P-M | Jednoznacznie potępiamy pychę i zawiść w każdym człowieku. | We unequivocally condemn pride and envy in every person. | ||
|
powód [pɔvut] ‘a cause’ (nom. sg.) |
[ɔ] | U-I | Niebawem go ustalimy. Powód śmierci wreszcie będzie znany. | We’ll establish it soon. The cause of death will be known. |
| P-I | Kiedy już go ustalimy, powód zgonu będzie oczywisty. | Once we establish it, the cause of death will be obvious. | ||
| P-M | W krótkim czasie ustalimy powód złego stanu gospodarki. | In a very short time we’ll establish the cause of the poor state of the economy. | ||
|
pewność [pɛvnɔɕt͡ɕ] ‘certainty’ (nom. sg.) |
[ɛ] | U-I | Wnikliwie ją oceniamy. Pewność teorii trzeba potwierdzić. | We’re assessing it carefully. The certainty of this theory needs to be verified. |
| P-I | Ilekroć ją oceniamy, pewność założeń nie jest wysoka. | Whenever we evaluate it, the certainty of these assumptions is not very high. | ||
| P-M | W przybliżeniu oceniamy pewność istnienia życia w kosmosie. | We’re roughly assessing the certainty of extraterrestrial life. | ||
|
taflę [taflɛw̃] ‘a tile’ (acc. sg.) |
[a] | U-I | Starannie ją polerujemy. Taflę szklaną należy wygładzić. | We’re polishing it carefully. The glass tile needs smoothing. |
| P-I | Zanim ją polerujemy, taflę lustra najpierw oczyszczamy. | Before we Polish it, the glass tile needs to be cleaned. | ||
| P-M | W przerwie meczu polerujemy taflę lodu całego lodowiska. | During the break we Polish the tile of the entire ice rink. | ||
|
tyfus [t͏ɨfus] ‘typhus’ (nom. sg.) |
[ɨ] | U-I | Dziś skutecznie go leczymy. Tyfus został już opanowany. | Nowadays we successfully treat it. Typhus has been contained. |
| P-I | Choć skutecznie go leczymy, tyfus nadal budzi przerażenie. | Although we can successfully treat it, typhus still evokes fear. | ||
| P-M | W dzisiejszych czasach leczymy tyfus dzięki antybiotykowi. | Nowadays we treat typhus with antibiotics. | ||
|
towar [tɔvar] ‘goods’ (nom. sg.) |
[ɔ] | U-I | Stale u nich kupujemy. Towar z przemytu jest bardzo tani. | We always buy from them. The goods that come from smugglers are very cheap. |
| P-I | Ilekroć go kupujemy, towar z importu jest uszkodzony. | Whenever we buy them, the [imported] goods are damaged. | ||
| P-M | Na bieżąco kupujemy towar z hurtowni po niskich cenach. | We buy cheap goods from wholesalers on regular basis. | ||
|
teflon [tɛflɔn] ‘teflon’ (nom. sg.) |
[ɛ] | U-I | W tym celu go stosujemy. Teflon zmniejsza przywieranie potraw. | This is why we use it. Teflon reduces the risk of the food sticking to the pan. |
| P-I | W miarę jak go stosujemy, teflon łatwiej da się zarysować. | In the cause of its utilisation, teflon runs the risk of getting scratched. | ||
| P-M | Przy produkcji stosujemy teflon jako powłokę patelni. | In the process of production we use teflon as the pan’s coating. | ||
| kawior [kaviɔr] | [a] | U-I | Niezbyt często go jadamy. Kawior z jesiotra jest rarytasem. | We rarely eat it. Sturgeon caviar is a rarity. |
| P-I | Zawsze kiedy go jadamy, kawior z łososia nieźle smakuje. | Whenever we eat it, salmon caviar tastes good. | ||
| P-M | Podczas bankietów jadamy kawior z mintaja jako przystawkę. | At banquets we eat pollock fish caviar as a starter. | ||
|
kęsy [kɛw̃sɨ] ‘a bite’ (nom. pl.) |
[ɛ] | U-I | Powoli je przeżuwamy. Kęsy chleba popijamy wodą. | We chew them slowly. Bites of bread are washed down with water. |
| P-I | W chwili gdy je przeżuwamy, kęsy ciasta się rozpływają. | As we chew them, the bites of pie melt in our mouths. | ||
| P-M | Bez pośpiechu przeżuwamy kęsy pizzy i rozmawiamy. | We chew the bites of pizza without rush when talking. | ||
|
kowno [kɔvnɔ] ‘Kaunas’ (nom. sg.) |
[ɔ] | U-I | Cały piątek je zwiedzamy. Kowno było stolicą Litwy. | We have been seeing the sights all of Friday. Kaunas used to be the capital of Lithuania. |
| P-I | Zawsze kiedy je zwiedzamy, Kowno robi na nas wrażenie. | Every time we see the sights, Kaunas makes an impression. | ||
| P-M | Według programu zwiedzamy Kowno zaraz po meczu w Wilnie. | According to the programme we’re sightseeing Kaunas right after the game in Vilnius. | ||
|
kefir [kɛfir] ‘kefir’ (nom. sg.) |
[ɛ] | U-I | Nawet chętnie go pijemy. Kefir smakuje nie najgorzej. | We drink it relatively willingly. Kefir doesn’t taste that bad. |
| P-I | Zawsze kiedy go pijemy, kefir mieszamy z owocami. | Whenever we drink it, we mix kefir with fruit. | ||
| P-M | Każdego ranka pijemy kefir smakowy do śniadania. | Every day we drink flavoured kefir for breakfast. |
Appendix B: Coefficient tables for statistical models
VOT of the voiceless plosives. Intercept is phrase_medial*unaccented.
| Model term | Coefficient | Std. error | t | Significance | 95% confidence interval | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lower | Upper | |||||
| Intercept | 29.266 | 3.8726 | 7.557 | <0.001 | 21.669 | 36.863 |
| PI*accented | 3.748 | 0.7385 | 5.075 | <0.001 | 2.299 | 5.197 |
| PI*unaccented | 1.784 | 0.7360 | 2.423 | 0.016 | 0.340 | 3.227 |
| UI*accented | 1.979 | 0.7435 | 2.662 | 0.008 | 0.521 | 3.438 |
| UI*unaccented | 1.032 | 0.7377 | 1.399 | 0.162 | −0.415 | 2.479 |
| PM*accented | 3.302 | 0.7428 | 4.446 | <0.001 | 1.845 | 4.759 |
| Speech_rate | 0.126 | 0.4005 | 0.314 | 0.753 | −0.660 | 0.912 |
VOT of voiced plosives. Intercept is phrase_medial*unaccented.
| Model term | Coefficient | Std. error | t | Significance | 95% confidence interval | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lower | Upper | |||||
| Intercept | −73.325 | 8.6478 | −8.479 | 0.000 | −90.290 | −56.361 |
| PI*accented | −35.572 | 2.5734 | −13.823 | 0.000 | −40.621 | −30.524 |
| PI*unaccented | −16.970 | 2.5734 | −13.823 | <0.001 | −22.079 | −11.861 |
| UI*accented | −28.136 | 2.5712 | −10.943 | 0.000 | −33.180 | −23.092 |
| UI*unaccented | −7.613 | 2.5682 | −2.964 | 0.003 | −12.651 | −2.575 |
| PM*accented | −34.586 | 2.5565 | −13.528 | 0.000 | −39.601 | −29.570 |
| Speech_rate | 0.201 | 1.5205 | 0.132 | 0.895 | −2.781 | 3.184 |
VOT of voiced plosives, ProsodicPosition*Voicing_break as fixed factor of interest. Intercept is phrase_medial*partially_prevoiced.
| Model term | Coefficient | Std. error | t | Significance | 95% confidence interval | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lower | Upper | |||||
| Intercept | −122.364 | 9.9562 | −12.290 | 0.000 | −141.896 | −102.833 |
| PI*fully_prevoiced | 30.641 | 5.0932 | 6.016 | 0.000 | 20.649 | 40.632 |
| PI*partially_prevoiced | 3.937 | 6.2707 | 0.628 | 0.530 | −8.365 | 16.238 |
| UI*fully_prevoiced | 39.297 | 5.0714 | 6.016 | 0.000 | 29.348 | 49.246 |
| UI*partially_prevoiced | 3.478 | 6.6804 | 0.521 | 0.603 | −9.627 | 16.583 |
| PM*fully_prevoiced | 39.902 | 5.0670 | 7.875 | 0.000 | 29.962 | 49.842 |
| Speech_rate | −0.766 | 1.5968 | −0.479 | 0.632 | −3.898 | 2.367 |
VOT differences between pairs of voiced and voiceless plosives. Intercept is phrase-medial*accented*partially-prevoiced.
| Model term | Coefficient | Std. error | t | Significance | 95% confidence interval | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lower | Upper | |||||
| Intercept | 157.210 | 5.9460 | 26.440 | 0.000 | 145.544 | 168.876 |
| PI*unaccented*fully_prevoiced | −40.117 | 6.2337 | −6.435 | <0.001 | −52.347 | −27.868 |
| PI*unaccented*partially_prevoiced | 2.439 | 9.7606 | 0.250 | 0.803 | −16.711 | 21.589 |
| PI*accented*fully_prevoiced | −20.273 | 6.3015 | −3.217 | 0.001 | −32.636 | −7.909 |
| PI*accented*partially_prevoiced | −2.368 | 7.5424 | −0.314 | 0.754 | −17.166 | 12.430 |
| UI*unaccented*fully_prevoiced | −48.128 | 6.2123 | −7.747 | <0.001 | −60.317 | −35.940 |
| UI*unaccented*partially_prevoiced | −6.285 | 12.0399 | −0.522 | 0.602 | −29.907 | 17.337 |
| UI*accented*fully_prevoiced | −30.310 | 6.2892 | −4.819 | <0.001 | −42.650 | −17.971 |
| UI*accented*partially_prevoiced | −2.894 | 8.2145 | −0.352 | 0.725 | −19.011 | 13.223 |
| PM*unaccented*fully_prevoiced | −54.502 | 6.1869 | −8.809 | 0.000 | −66.641 | −42.364 |
| PM*unaccented*partially_prevoiced | −12.158 | 18.1277 | −0.671 | 0.503 | −47.725 | 23.408 |
| PM*accented*fully_prevoiced | −22.295 | 6.3229 | −3.526 | <0.001 | −34.700 | −9.889 |
Pitch at vowel onset following voiceless plosives. Intercept is phrase_medial*unaccented.
| Model term | Coefficient | Std. error | t | Significance | 95% confidence interval | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lower | Upper | |||||
| Intercept | 3.463 | 0.0725 | 47.781 | 0.000 | 3.320 | 3.605 |
| PI*accented | −0.266 | 0.0539 | −4.942 | 0.000 | −0.372 | −0.161 |
| PI*unaccented | −0.149 | 0.0535 | −2.786 | 0.005 | −0.254 | −0.044 |
| UI*accented | −0.244 | 0.0537 | −4.547 | 0.000 | −0.350 | −0.139 |
| UI*unaccented | −0.188 | 0.0543 | −3.459 | 0.001 | −0.294 | −0.035 |
| PM*accented | −0.140 | 0.0535 | −2.620 | 0.009 | −0.245 | −0.035 |
Pitch at vowel onset following voiced plosives. Intercept is phrase_medial*unaccented.
| Model term | Coefficient | Std. error | t | Significance | 95% confidence interval | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lower | Upper | |||||
| Intercept | 2.057 | 0.0332 | 61.954 | 0.000 | 1.992 | 2.122 |
| PI*accented | 0.056 | 0.0192 | 2.901 | 0.004 | 0.018 | 0.093 |
| PI*unaccented | 0.160 | 0.0190 | 8.400 | 0.000 | 0.123 | 0.197 |
| UI*accented | 0.014 | 0.0190 | 0.728 | 0.467 | −0.023 | 0.051 |
| UI*unaccented | 0.182 | 0.0190 | 9.558 | 0.000 | 0.144 | 0.219 |
| PM*accented | −0.068 | 0.0190 | −3.596 | 0.000 | −0.106 | −0.031 |
Pitch difference between vowel onsets following voiced and voiceless plosives. Intercept is phrase_medial*unaccented.
| Model term | Coefficient | Std. error | t | Significance | 95% confidence interval | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lower | Upper | |||||
| Intercept | 0.570 | 0.0291 | 19.564 | 0.000 | 0.513 | 0.627 |
| PI*accented | 0.135 | 0.0258 | 5.226 | 0.000 | 0.084 | 0.186 |
| PI*unaccented | 0.094 | 0.0257 | 3.649 | 0.000 | 0.043 | 0.144 |
| UI*accented | 0.063 | 0.0259 | 2.427 | 0.015 | 0.012 | 0.114 |
| UI*unaccented | 0.122 | 0.0261 | 4/665 | 0.000 | 0.071 | 0.173 |
| PM*accented | 0.022 | 0.0257 | 0.839 | 0.402 | −0.029 | 0.072 |
F1 difference between vowel onsets following voiced and voiceless plosives Intercept is phrase_medial*unaccented.
| Model term | Coefficient | Std. error | t | Significance | 95% confidence interval | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lower | Upper | |||||
| Intercept | 0.762 | 0.0493 | 15.436 | 0.000 | 0.665 | 0.858 |
| PI*accented | 0.027 | 0.0569 | 0.472 | 0.637 | −0.085 | 0.139 |
| PI*unaccented | 0.060 | 0.0568 | 1.056 | 0.291 | −0.051 | 0.171 |
| UI*accented | −0.052 | 0.0571 | −0.919 | 0.358 | −0.165 | 0.060 |
| UI*unaccented | 0.048 | 0.0575 | 0.829 | 0.407 | −0.065 | 0.161 |
| PM*accented | 0.047 | 0.0566 | 0.834 | 0.404 | −0.064 | 0.158 |
Preboundary lengthening of vowels. Intercept is phrase_medial.
| Model term | Coefficient | Std. error | t | Significance | 95% confidence interval | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lower | Upper | |||||
| Intercept | 55.195 | 3.9731 | 13.892 | 0.000 | 47.403 | 62.987 |
| PI | 54.414 | 1.2640 | 43.050 | 0.000 | 51.935 | 56.892 |
| UI | 15.535 | 1.2639 | 12.291 | 0.000 | 13.056 | 18.014 |
References
Beckman, Jill, Michael Essen & Catherine Ringen. 2013. Evidence for laryngeal features: Aspirating versus true-voice languages. Journal of Linguistics 49(2). 259–284. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226712000424.Search in Google Scholar
Beckman, Jill, Pétur Helgason, Bob McMurray & Catherine Ringen. 2011. Rate effects on Swedish VOT: Evidence for phonological overspecification. Journal of Phonetics 39. 39–49. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2010.11.001.Search in Google Scholar
Beckman, Mary E. & Janet B. Pierrehumbert. 1986. Intonational structure in Japanese and English. Phonology Yearbook 3. 255–309. https://doi.org/10.1017/s095267570000066x.Search in Google Scholar
Benguerel, André-Pierre & Janet D’Arcy. 1986. Time warping and the perception of rhythm in speech. Journal of Phonetics 14. 231–246. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)30665-5.Search in Google Scholar
Boersma, Paul & David Weenink. 2019. Praat: Doing phonetics by computer [Computer software]. Version 6.0.46. http://praat.org (accessed 22 January 2015).Search in Google Scholar
Cho, Taehong & James M. McQueen. 2005. Prosodic influences on consonant production in Dutch: Effects of prosodic boundaries, phrasal accent and lexical stress. Journal of Phonetics 33. 121–157. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2005.01.001.Search in Google Scholar
Cho, Taehong & Patricia A. Keating. 2001. Articulatory and acoustic studies on domain-initial strengthening in Korean. Journal of Phonetics 29. 155–190. https://doi.org/10.1006/jpho.2001.0131.Search in Google Scholar
Cho, Taehong & Patricia A. Keating. 2009. Effects of initial position versus prominence in English. Journal of Phonetics 37. 466–485. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2009.08.001.Search in Google Scholar
Cho, Taehong & Sun-Ah Jun. 2000. Domain-initial strengthening as featural enhancement: Aerodynamic evidence from Korean. Chicago Linguistics Society 36. 31–44. https://doi.org/10.1121/1.1861893.Search in Google Scholar
Choi, Hansook. 2003. Prosody-induced acoustic variation in English stop consonants. In Maria-Josep Sole, Daniel Recasens & Joaquin Romero (eds.), Proceedings of the XVth International Congress of Phonetic Sciences, 2662–2664. Barcelona: International Phonetic Association.Search in Google Scholar
Chomsky, Noam & Morris Halle. 1968. The sound pattern of English. New York: Harper & Row.Search in Google Scholar
Cohen, Jacob. 1968. Weighted kappa: Nominal scale agreement with provision for scaled disagreement or partial credit. Psychological Bulletin 70. 213–220. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0026256.Search in Google Scholar
Cole, Jennifer S., Heejin Kim, Hansook Choi & Mark A. Hasegawa-Johnson. 2007. Prosodic effects on acoustic cues to stop voicing and place of articulation: Evidence from radio news speech. Journal of Phonetics 35. 180–209. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2006.03.004.Search in Google Scholar
Crosswhite, Katherine. 2003. Spectral tilt as a cue to word stress in Macedonian, Polish, and Bulgarian. In Maria-Josep Sole, Daniel Recasens & Joaquin Romero (eds.), Proceedings of the XVth International Congress of Phonetic Sciences, 767–770. Barcelona: International Phonetic Association.Search in Google Scholar
Ćwiek, Aleksanda & Petra Wagner. 2018. The acoustic realization of prosodic prominence in Polish: Word-level stress and phrase-level accent. In Proceedings of the 9th International Conference on Speech Prosody 2018, 922–926. Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University Press.10.21437/SpeechProsody.2018-186Search in Google Scholar
D’Alessandro, Roberta & Tobias Scheer. 2015. Modular PIC. Linguistic Inquiry 46. 593–624. https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_x_00202.Search in Google Scholar
Dauer, RebeccaM. 1983. Stress-timing and syllable-timing revisited. Journal of Phonetics 11. 51–62. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)30776-4.Search in Google Scholar
Dłuska, Maria. 1986. Fonetyka Polska [Polish phonetics]. Warsaw: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Nakowe.Search in Google Scholar
Dogil, Grzegorz. 1999. The phonetic manifestation of word stress in Polish, Lithuanian, Spanish, and German. In Harry van der Hulst (ed.), Word prosodic systems in the languages of Europe, 271–311. New York: Mouton de Gruyter.Search in Google Scholar
Dogil, Grzegorz & Briony Williams. 1999. The phonetic manifestation of word stress. In Harry van der Hulst (ed.), Word prosodic systems in the languages of Europe, 273–334. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9783110197082.1.273Search in Google Scholar
Domahs, Ulrike, Johannes Knaus, Paula Orzechowska & Richard Wiese. 2012. Stress ‘deafness’ in a language with fixed word stress: An ERP study on Polish. Frontiers in Psychology 3. 1–15. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2012.00439.Search in Google Scholar
Fougeron, Cécile. 2001. Articulatory properties of initial segments in several prosodic constituents in French. Journal of Phonetics 29. 109–135. https://doi.org/10.1006/jpho.2000.0114.Search in Google Scholar
Fougeron, Cécile & Patricia A. Keating. 1997. Articulatory strengthening at edges of prosodic domains. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 101. 3728–3740. https://doi.org/10.1121/1.418332.Search in Google Scholar
Francuzik, Katarzyna, Maciej Karpiński & Janusz Kleśta. 2002. A preliminary study of the intonational phrase, nuclear melody and pauses in Polish semi-spontaneous narration. In Proceedings of Speech Prosody 2002. Aix-en-Provence: Université de Provence.10.21437/SpeechProsody.2002-61Search in Google Scholar
Gussmann, Edmund. 2007. The phonology of Polish. Oxford: Oxford University Press.10.1093/oso/9780199267477.001.0001Search in Google Scholar
Hale, Mark & Charles Reiss. 2000. ‘Substance abuse’ and ‘dysfunctionalism’: Current trends in phonology. Linguistic Inquiry 31(1). 157–169. https://doi.org/10.1162/002438900554334.Search in Google Scholar
Hallgren, Kevin A. 2012. Computing inter-rater reliability for observational data: An overview and tutorial. Tutororials in Quantitative Methods for Psychology 8(1). 23–34. https://doi.org/10.20982/tqmp.08.1.p023.Search in Google Scholar
Hanson, Helen M. 2009. Effects of obstruent consonants on fundamental frequency at vowel onset in English. The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 125(1). 425–441. https://doi.org/10.1121/1.3021306.Search in Google Scholar
Hayashi, Wendy, Chai-Shune Hsu & Patricia A. Keating. 1999. Domain-initial strengthening in Taiwanese: A follow-up study. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics 97. 152–156.Search in Google Scholar
Hayes, Bruce. 1989. The prosodic hierarchy in meter. In Paul Kiparsky & Gilbert Youmans (eds.), Rhythm and meter, 201–260. Orlando: Academic Press.10.1016/B978-0-12-409340-9.50013-9Search in Google Scholar
Hayes, Bruce. 1997. Metrical stress theory: Principles and case studies. Chicago: Chicago University Press.Search in Google Scholar
Hockey, Beth Ann & Zsuzsanna Fagyal. 1998. Pre-boundary lengthening: Universal or language-specific? The case of Hungarian. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 5(1). 71–82.Search in Google Scholar
Honeybone, Patrick. 2005. Diachronic evidence in segmental phonology: The case of obstruent laryngeal specifications. In Marc van Oostendorp & Jeroen van der Weijer (eds.), The internal organization of phonological systems, 319–354. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9783110890402.317Search in Google Scholar
IBM Corporation. 2017. IBM SPSS statistics for Windows, version 25.0. Armonk, New York: IBM Corp.Search in Google Scholar
Jun, Sun-Ah. 1993. The phonetics and phonology of Korean prosody. Columbus: Ohio State University dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Kager, René & Violeta Martínez-Paricio. 2018. The internally layered foot in Dutch. Linguistics 56. 69–114. https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2017-0037.Search in Google Scholar
Katsika, Argyro. 2016. The role of prominence in determining the scope of boundary-related lengthening in Greek. Journal of Phonetics 55. 149–181. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2015.12.003.Search in Google Scholar
Katz, William F., Cheryl M. Beach, Kathleen Jenouri & Sushama Verma. 1996. Duration and fundamental frequency correlates of phrase boundaries in productions by children and adults. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 99(5). 3179–3191. https://doi.org/10.1121/1.414802.Search in Google Scholar
Keating, PatriciaA. 1979. A phonetic study of a voicing contrast in Polish. Providence, RI: Brown University dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Keating, Patricia A. 1984. Phonetic and phonological representation of stop voicing. Language 60. 286–319. https://doi.org/10.2307/413642.Search in Google Scholar
Kirby, James & D. Robert Ladd. 2016. Effects of obstruent voicing on vowel F0: Evidence from “true voicing” languages. The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 140(1). 2400–2411. https://doi.org/10.1121/1.4962445.Search in Google Scholar
Kraska-Szlenk, Iwona. 2003. The phonology of stress in Polish. Munich: Lincom Europa.Search in Google Scholar
Kuzla, Claudia & Mirjam Ernestus. 2011. Prosodic conditioning of phonetic detail in German plosives. Journal of Phonetics 39. 143–155. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2011.01.001.Search in Google Scholar
Ladefoged, Peter. 2010. A course in phonetics. Boston: Heinle & Heinle Publishers.Search in Google Scholar
Landis, J. Richard & Gary G. Koch. 1977. The measurement of observer agreement for categorical data. Biometrics 33(1). 159–174. https://doi.org/10.2307/2529310.Search in Google Scholar
Łukaszewicz, Beata. 2018. Phonetic evidence for an iterative stress system: The issue of consonantal rhythm. Phonology 35(1). 115–150.10.1017/S0952675717000392Search in Google Scholar
Malisz, Zofia & Petra Wagner. 2012. Acoustic-phonetic realization of Polish syllable prominence: A corpus study. Speech and Language Technology 14/15. 105–114.Search in Google Scholar
Malisz, Zofia & Marzena Żygis. 2015. Voicing in Polish: Interactions with lexical stress and focus. In Proceedings of the XVIIIth International Congress of Phonetic Sciences, Glasgow. London: International Phonetics Association. https://www.internationalphoneticassociation.org/icphs-proceedings/ICPhS2015/Papers/ICPHS0963.pdf.Search in Google Scholar
Malisz, Zofia & Marzena, Żygis. 2018. Lexical stress in Polish: Evidence from focus and phrase-position differentiated production data. In Proceedings of the 9th International Conference on Speech Prosody 2018, 1008–1012. Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University Press.10.21437/SpeechProsody.2018-204Search in Google Scholar
Nasukawa, Kuniya (ed.). 2020. Morpheme-internal recursion in phonology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9781501512582Search in Google Scholar
Nespor, Marina & Irene Vogel. 1986. Prosodic phonology. Dordrecht: Foris Publications.Search in Google Scholar
Newlin-Łukowicz, Luiza. 2012. Polish stress: Looking for phonetic evidence of a bidirectional system. Phonology 29(2). 271–329.10.1017/S0952675712000139Search in Google Scholar
Nowak, Pawel Marcin. 2006. Vowel reduction in Polish. Berkeley: University of California, Berkeley dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Ohde, Ralph N. 1984. Fundamental frequency as an acoustic correlate of stop consonant voicing. The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 75. 224–230. https://doi.org/10.1121/1.390399.Search in Google Scholar
Rojczyk, Arkadiusz. 2019. Quality and duration of unstressed vowels in Polish. Lingua 217. 80–89. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2018.10.012.Search in Google Scholar
Rubach, Jerzy & Geert Booij. 1985. A grid theory of stress in Polish. Lingua 66. 281–319. https://doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(85)90032-4.Search in Google Scholar
Rubach, Jerzy & Geert Booij. 1990. Edge of constituent effects in Polish. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 8. 427–463. https://doi.org/10.1007/bf00135620.Search in Google Scholar
Scheer, Tobias. 2011. A guide to morpho-syntax phonology interface theories: How extra-phonological information is treated in phonology since Trubetzkoy’s Grenzsignale. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9783110238631Search in Google Scholar
Scheer, Tobias. 2012. Chunk definition in phonology: Prosodic constituency versus phase structure. In Maria Bloch-Trojnar & Anna Bloch-Rozmej (eds.), Modules and interfaces, 221–253. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL.Search in Google Scholar
Schiering, René, Balthasar Bickel & Kristine A. Hildebrandt. 2010. The prosodic words is not universal but emergent. Journal of Linguistics 46. 657–709. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226710000216.Search in Google Scholar
Schwartz, Geoffrey. 2010. Phonology in the speech signal: Unifying cue and prosodic licensing. Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 46. 499–518.10.2478/v10010-010-0025-3Search in Google Scholar
Schwartz, Geoffrey. 2015. Who needs a nucleus? Tashlhiyt Berber syllabification in the Onset Prominence representational environment. Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 51(2). 247–290.10.1515/psicl-2015-0011Search in Google Scholar
Schwartz, Geoffrey. 2016. On the evolution of prosodic boundaries: Parameter settings for Polish and English. Lingua 171. 37–73. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2015.11.005.Search in Google Scholar
Schwartz, Geoffrey. 2017. Formalizing modulation and the emergence of phonological heads. Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics 2, art. 81. https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.465.Search in Google Scholar
Schwartz, Geoffrey. 2020. Asymmetrical cross-language interaction: Phonological implications. Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism 12. 103–132. https://doi.org/10.1075/lab.19092.sch.Search in Google Scholar
Schwartz, Geoffrey & Daria Arndt. 2018. Laryngeal realism versus modulation theory: Evidence from VOT discrimination in Polish. Language Sciences 69. 98–112. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.langsci.2018.07.001.Search in Google Scholar
Schwartz, Geoffrey, Ewelina Wojtkowiak & Bartosz Brzoza. 2019. Beyond VOT in the Polish laryngeal contrast. In Proceedings of the XIXth International Congress of Phonetic Sciences in Melbourne, 2383–2387. Melbourne: International Phonetic Association.Search in Google Scholar
Schwartz, Geoffrey, Kamil Kaźmierski & Ewelina Wojtkowiak. 2022. Perspectives on final laryngeal neutralization: New evidence from Polish. Phonology 38. 693–727.10.1017/S0952675721000373Search in Google Scholar
Selkirk, Elisabeth O. 1986. On derived domains in sentence phonology. Phonology Yearbook 3. 371–405. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700000695.Search in Google Scholar
Shattuck-Hufnagel, Stefanie & Alice Turk. 1996. A prosody tutorial for investigators of auditory sentence processing. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research 25. 193–247. https://doi.org/10.1007/bf01708572.Search in Google Scholar
Stevens, Kenneth & Dennis Klatt. 1974. Role of formant transitions in the voiced-voiceless distinction for stops. The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 55. 653–659. https://doi.org/10.1121/1.1914578.Search in Google Scholar
Turk, Alice & Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel. 2007. Multiple targets of phrase-final lengthening in American English words. Journal of Phonetics 35(4). 445–472. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2006.12.001.Search in Google Scholar
van der Hulst, Harry. 2010. A note on recursion in phonology. In Harry van der Hulst (ed.), Recursion and human language, 301–342. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9783110219258Search in Google Scholar
Wojtkowiak, Ewelina. 2020. Prosody-segment interactions in the acoustics of Polish front vowels. Studies in Polish Linguistics 15(3). 151–175. https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.20.007.12979.Search in Google Scholar
Wright, Richard, Stefan Frisch & David Pisoni. 1999. Speech perception. In John G. Webster (ed.), Wiley encyclopedia of electrical and electronics engineering, 175–195. New York: Wiley.10.1002/047134608X.W6711Search in Google Scholar
© 2022 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston
Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Articles
- How do middle voice markers and valency reducing constructions interact? Typological tendencies and diachronic considerations
- The acoustics of plosives and the formation of prosodic structure in Polish
- Bi-absolutive constructions in Chechen
- Giving voice to space: the grammar of Northern Alta spatial roots
- Grammatically unstable placeholders and morpho-syntactic remedies: evidence from East Asian languages
- Nonconvergence toward the standard: the maintenance of a distinctive use of rhotics among the Santomean diaspora in Portugal
- Discussion
- Adpositions and their distribution: a reply to Zygmunt Frajzyngier’s ‘Toward a functional typology of adpositions: theoretical implications’
- Meaning encoded in the grammatical system: a rejoinder
- Review Article
- On Dixon’s ‘dangerous idea’
- Book Reviews
- Tibor Laczkó: Lexicalising clausal syntax: The interaction of syntax, the lexicon and information structure in Hungarian
- Juho Ruohonen and Juhani Rudanko: Infinitival vs gerundial complementation with afraid, accustomed, and prone: Multivariate corpus studies
- Laura Becker: Articles in the world’s languages
- Ana Werkmann Horvat: Layers of modality: On double modal constructions by the example of Croatian
- Veronika Hegedűs & Katalin É. Kiss (eds.): Syntax of Hungarian: postpositions and postpositional phrases
Articles in the same Issue
- Frontmatter
- Articles
- How do middle voice markers and valency reducing constructions interact? Typological tendencies and diachronic considerations
- The acoustics of plosives and the formation of prosodic structure in Polish
- Bi-absolutive constructions in Chechen
- Giving voice to space: the grammar of Northern Alta spatial roots
- Grammatically unstable placeholders and morpho-syntactic remedies: evidence from East Asian languages
- Nonconvergence toward the standard: the maintenance of a distinctive use of rhotics among the Santomean diaspora in Portugal
- Discussion
- Adpositions and their distribution: a reply to Zygmunt Frajzyngier’s ‘Toward a functional typology of adpositions: theoretical implications’
- Meaning encoded in the grammatical system: a rejoinder
- Review Article
- On Dixon’s ‘dangerous idea’
- Book Reviews
- Tibor Laczkó: Lexicalising clausal syntax: The interaction of syntax, the lexicon and information structure in Hungarian
- Juho Ruohonen and Juhani Rudanko: Infinitival vs gerundial complementation with afraid, accustomed, and prone: Multivariate corpus studies
- Laura Becker: Articles in the world’s languages
- Ana Werkmann Horvat: Layers of modality: On double modal constructions by the example of Croatian
- Veronika Hegedűs & Katalin É. Kiss (eds.): Syntax of Hungarian: postpositions and postpositional phrases