Abstract
This study analyzes the interplay between the segregation level, education cost, and the evolution of group inequality. In a market economy, individuals have incentives to invest in skill acquisition because of wage differentials. Because skill achievement is costly, a person with a higher inherent ability or a better community background is more likely to invest. Bowles, Loury, and Sethi (2014) show the possibility of group inequality evolution with a high level of segregation when network externalities over the skill acquisition period affect an individual’s decision of skill achievement. This study emphasizes the effect of education costs on the evolution of group inequality. Even when the level of segregation is high, if the societal education cost of skill acquisition is not sufficiently large, group skill disparity may not evolve. Observing that education costs vary significantly across countries depending on the structure of their educational institutions, this theoretical analysis suggests that some countries may suffer more from between-group disparity than others because their education systems impose higher costs on individuals.
1 Introduction
Socioeconomic disparities between social groups constitute a challenge in many countries worldwide. Although various social groups may educate their children within identical educational systems and work in the same market economy, their skill achievement ratios and wage levels may differ significantly. It is thus difficult to determine a single root cause of the inequality between groups because the manner in which social groups are formed is unique to each society. For instance, groups form along racial lines in societies such as the United States, South Africa, and Australia but along religious lines in Turkey, Pakistan, and Northern Ireland. While ethnicity is important in countries such as Singapore, Indonesia, and Balkan countries, we often see caste-like social divisions in India and historical minorities such as gypsies in Europe. Furthermore, in many Western countries, the population is divided into immigrant and nonimmigrant groups.
Although these cases are distinct, a salient feature is consistent for all of them: divided social interactions between groups over their entire lifetime. The social network externalities around the skill acquisition period and the consequent development bias between groups have been discussed since the pioneering work of Loury (1977). According to this theory, the development of human beings is socially situated in the sense that communal resources influence a person’s acquisition of human capital, which includes training resources, nutritional provision, after-school parenting, peer influences, mentoring, and role models. Loury (1977)’s theory is supported by numerous empirical works such as peer effects (Anderson, 2013), community effects (Cutler & Glaeser, 1997; Weinberg et al., 2004), racial network effects (Hoxby, 2002; Hanushek et al., 2009), and academic peer effects (Winston & Zimmerman, 2004).[1]
Several subsequent theoretical studies have discussed development bias, emphasizing network externalities over the skill acquisition period. For instance, Becker and Tomes (1979) and Loury (1981) focus on the effects of parental income on their offspring’s education to explain the intergenerational dynamics of inequality. Lundberg and Startz (1998) consider a spillover effect between social groups where the average level of human capital in a community affects the skill investment decisions of the following generations. Benabou (1996) and Durlauf (1996) discuss the endogenous sorting of agents into homogeneous communities, given the local spillover in human capital investment.
More recently, Bowles et al. (2014), by focusing on interpersonal spillovers in human capital accumulation, have proved the instability of an equal society in a highly segregated economy under production complementarity between high- and low-skilled labor. They argue that the instability condition requires three factors – a high segregation level, strong interpersonal spillovers, and production complementarity – among which the extent of social segregation plays a critical role in determining whether group inequality can emerge.
We extend these arguments in Bowles et al. (2014) by exploring how the cost of education in a society that individuals pay for training their children is associated with the instability of an equal society. To this end, we first elaborate a concrete market structure by (1) incorporating a neoclassical production function that encompasses high- and low-skill complementarity and (2) implementing a wage redistribution scheme that reflects both the strength of spillovers and the level of segregation between social groups. Second, based on the elaborated market structure, we investigate the existence condition of a (nontrivial) symmetric steady state that represents an equal society among social groups and examine under what conditions this symmetric steady state is stable.[2]
Our results show that when the segregation level is sufficiently low and the spillover effect is strong enough, the symmetric steady state is stable regardless of the level of societal training costs, which is consistent with the findings of Bowles et al. (2014). However, if the conditions are not satisfied, the level of societal training costs can be the key to producing the stability of the symmetric steady state, in addition to the extent of social segregation. The higher the training costs, the more likely the symmetric steady state is unstable, indicating that group inequality may emerge in a segregated society with high training costs. In other words, even in a highly segregated society, between-group skill disparities may not emerge at a sufficiently low societal training cost. This point is a meaningful extension of the arguments of Bowles et al. (2014).
Using the proposed dynamic model, we identify the snowball effect as a major force causing severe disparity: a small difference at the beginning results in a large difference at the end when an economy with skill complementarities has a strong externality of peer effects.[3] Suppose that two groups, A and B, have equal skill compositions at time
The above theoretical results have various implications for real-world situations. In the United States, residential and schooling segregation is widely known to be one of the major causes of unequal opportunities available to African Americans. As the degree of segregation between the two racial groups has declined since the civil rights movement in the 1960s, group inequality has also declined in the 1970s and 1980s. However, inequality in skill composition appears to persist throughout these decades (Loury, 2002).[5] This persistent gap is more puzzling because the degree of segregation continued to decline over the above-mentioned period. According to the dissimilarity index,[6] which is the most commonly used measure of segregation between two groups, the indices of segregation between African Americans and non-Hispanic whites in US metropolitan areas in 1980, 1990, 2000, and 2010 were 73.1, 67.7, 64.2, and 59.4, respectively (De la Roca et al., 2014).[7]
One possible reason for this persistent racial gap is the less affordable skill acquisition in the US labor market. In the 1970s, high school education was sufficient to be classified as a skilled worker, and it did not cost too much, thus making it available for poor families to train children as skilled workers at minor educational costs. However, since the 1990s, college education has replaced high school education. Without obtaining a B.A. degree, it is difficult to classify as a skilled worker. In contrast to high school education, a college education is not affordable to a considerable number of poor families. For instance, while the high school completion rate is currently on par for African American and white students, a large gap of more than 10% is maintained in terms of college graduation rates.[8] Therefore, the opportunities for children from poor African American households to develop their talents are more restricted these days by the increased “skill training cost” in the United States compared to the 1970s.
A notable contrast is also evident when comparing college education in the United States and Europe. In most parts of continental Europe, college education is extensively subsidized by governments and thus widely accessible to families with modest incomes. Provided that children from disadvantaged backgrounds are willing to work diligently and possess talent, they are provided with opportunities to receive an affordable college education and become skilled workers. Consequently, in Europe, group inequality is less likely to grow compared to the United States.
In South Korea, educational costs have increased significantly since the early 1990s, when the Korean SAT was reformed. Although Korea adopts a strict public school system for high school education, parents have started to spend significant amounts on after-school private academies to improve their children’s college admission chances.[9] Currently, poor families cannot afford private tutoring, so they simply send their children to government-funded schools without providing extra education from private academies. Rich families send their children to intensive private education centers after school, where they further develop their talents. The sharp disparity between the “rich” south of Seoul (Gangnam) and the “modest” north (Gangbuk) in terms of college admission rates reflects how family background affects opportunities for children to develop their talent in a society with high training costs.[10] Furthermore, this implies that the skill disparity between south and north Seoul may increase over time because the richer southern communities can train more childrens, and skilled children bring more wealth to the community after joining the workplace, and they may, in turn, train more children in the next generation, and so on.
Finally, the proposed model has important implications for meritocracy. Even in a highly segregated society, the merit system can survive as long as the training cost is not too burdensome because society may converge to a symmetric steady state if talented children from both groups are given similar opportunities to develop their skills. However, in a society where training costs are high, children from advantaged and disadvantaged groups will not be given equal opportunities to develop their skills. Therefore, for the same wage differential expected in both groups, the supply of skilled workers from the rich group is greater than that from the poor group. Supply differences can widen over generations if the wealth of one’s social network becomes more deterministic of skill development than one’s inherent abilities. Therefore, the high training costs in society may result in the failure of the merit system and increase group inequality.
All examples mentioned above emphasize the significant relationship between the evolution of group inequality and the size of the training cost. The remainder of this article is organized as follows. Section 2 describes the theoretical framework of the proposed model. Section 3 examines the human development dynamics when the two social groups are indistinguishable or fully integrated. Section 4 evaluates the evolution of group disparity in an economy with distinguishable social groups. Finally, Section 5 presents the conclusions of this study.
2 Framework
Consider an economy composed of two social groups. We denote these as group
The proportion of skilled workers in group
A neoclassical production function is given by
The marginal productivity of occupation
The average wage of group
Note that the average wage in the economy is the weighted sum of each group’s average wage,
The wage difference is
2.1 Peer Effects
Peer effects in the economy relate to the redistribution of wages in each period between skilled (
where
Therefore, we have a production-neutral peer effect model. In other words, the total product of
Let us call
2.2 A Parent’s Decision
Suppose that a child’s ability is distributed with a cumulative distribution function (CDF) G and its probability density function (PDF) g. There are no significant differences between the groups in terms of innate ability.[11] Training costs for a child with an ability level
Parents’ marginal utility of consumption diminishes as consumption increases. Therefore, we assume that the parent’s utility function is
Given the ability distribution
The proportion of skilled workers in the economy at time
For any given (
2.3 Ability Distribution
To simplify the dynamic structure without loss of generality (WLOG), we impose the following assumption.
Assumption 1
WLOG, child ability distribution is identical for any
Suppose
Even the highest-ability students incur some cost
Using uniform distribution
Therefore, the transition matrix in equation (7) can be simplified in a more tractable manner as follows:
In the following analysis, for notational simplicity, we use
3 Homogeneous Economy
First, let us consider the simplest structure of the economy, in which the two social groups are indistinguishable or fully integrated. Therefore, we impose a zero-segregation level
In this homogeneous economy, the fraction of highly skilled workers evolves in the following manner:
As
where
The LHS is an increasing function with respect to
It is noteworthy that when

Stability of steady states in the homogeneous economy.
Therefore, there must be a threshold level of
Note that there is an alternative method for searching steady states. Equation (12) implies that the steady states are the
where both

Search for steady states in the homogeneous economy.
Because trivial steady state
4 Heterogeneous Economy
Now, let us consider an economy with distinguishable social groups in which the segregation level is nonzero (
One of the nontrivial symmetric steady states,
Therefore, the main focus of this analysis is whether the other nontrivial symmetric steady state,
Applying equation (2), we obtain:
Therefore, when
If
Notably, threshold
Proposition 1
If segregation level
However, when
Corollary 1
When
Proof
When
Therefore, given
Theorem 1
Given
In Figure 3, we compare a society with a low training cost of

Stability of the symmetric steady states (given
From equation (10), we obtain the following transition in the overall skill rate (
This rearrangement yields the following:
which is exactly the same as the transition structure of the homogeneous economy noted in equation (13). Therefore,

Unstable symmetric steady states.
Figure 4 illustrates the case of the high training cost society depicted in Panel B of Figure 3, in which both nontrivial symmetric steady states are unstable. Because state
Proposition 2
Given
However, in the case of the low training cost society depicted in Panel A of Figure 3, there is a stable symmetric steady state
5 Conclusion
This study discusses the importance of education costs for the evolution of group skill disparity. Because the cost of skill achievement is affected by one’s inherent ability and the quality of one’s social network, the degree of integration between social groups must be considered in the analysis of group disparity (Chaudhuri & Sethi, 2008). Three factors – a level of integration, the size of education costs, and the neoclassical market system – are intricately interwoven in the analysis. The theoretical work presented in this study successfully manages to show how these factors affect each other to determine the emergence of group skill disparity.
In particular, from the analysis, we show that the size of education costs can play a key role in the evolution of group inequality. Even in a highly segregated society, low education costs may prevent group disparities in the neoclassical market economy. However, we do not insist that integration is a less important policy measure to solve the problem of group inequality (Bowles et al., 2014; Sethi & Somanathan, 2004). Rather, we suggest that, observing significant variances in educational systems across countries worldwide, countries with high private education costs may suffer more from growing group inequality, and the market system alone cannot stop the failure of the merit system. In addition, the emerging trend of a skill-biased economy will challenge group disparities in the future.
Acknowledgments
We acknowledge the support of the MSIT (Ministry of Science and ICT), Korea, under the ICAN(ICT Challenge and Advanced Network of HRD) program (IITP-2022-2020-0-01816) supervised by the IITP (Institute of Information & Communications Technology Planning & Evaluation). We are indebted greatly to Glenn Loury, Rajiv Sethi, Eunil Park, Minsung Park, and Jaemin Son. for their insightful comments, discussions, and supports.
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Funding information: This research was supported by the Ministry of Science and ICT (MSIT), Korea, under the ICT Challenge and Advanced Network of HRD (ICAN) program (IITP-2022-2020-0-01816) supervised by the Institute of Information & Communications Technology Planning & Evaluation (IITP). It was also supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (grant number NRF-2019S1A5A2A01047073).
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Conflict of interest: There is no conflict of interest.
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Article note: As part of the open assessment, reviews and the original submission are available as supplementary files on our website.
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