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Dynamic categorization and semiosis in Chinese: a case study of “jiē

  • Rong Zeng (b. 1980) is an associate professor at Southwest University of Political Science and Law. Her research focuses on cognitive linguistics and translation, and her publications include: “The realization of dynamic categorization of word meaning in different dimensions of language” (2020); “The base/profile approach to dynamic semantic categorization: Taking the verb “do” as an example” (2021); “Meme research on semantic dynamic categorization of buzzwords” (2019); “Working mechanism of dynamic categorization of word meanings” (2022).

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    Hua Tang (b. 2001) is a master’s student majoring in foreign languages and literature at Southwest University of Political Science and Law. Her research interests include cognitive linguistics, language acquisition, and translation.

Published/Copyright: December 18, 2025
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Abstract

Research on word meaning and semantic change has long been central to both cognitive linguistics and semiotics. While previous studies have largely examined these issues within either a cognitive or a semiotic framework, few have explored how the two can be integrated to account for the mechanisms underlying meaning evolution. This study integrates Peircean semiotics and cognitive linguistics to investigate the dynamic categorization of word meanings, focusing on the diachronic evolution of the Chinese verb jiē (揭). Within a triadic semiotic framework unifying cognitive mechanisms including base/profile, image schema, metonymy, and metaphor, it traces jiē’s shift from its original sense ‘to lift (an object) high’ through a continuum of extensions from Old Chinese to the present. The findings reveal that jiē’s meanings have developed through three stages: (1) conservative gradual change within the category; (2) interaction/spanning between categories; and (3) de-categorization. These processes illustrate a continuum of semantic change, underpinned by dynamic cognitive operations and recurrent cycles of infinite semiosis, where stabilized Interpretants become new Representamens. The study can provide reference for future research on word meaning.

1 Introduction

From the perspective of cognitive linguistics, word meaning is not a static entity; instead, it is dynamically constructed through cognitive processing in communicative contexts (Barsalou 2003; Langacker 2008). Thus, polysemy fundamentally reflects cognitive categorization mechanisms. The boundaries of meaning categories are not predetermined but dynamically established according to specific contexts and communicative goals (Frisson 2015). Within this framework, theories such as image schema, prototype category, cognitive model, mental space, conceptual metaphor, and metonymy provide powerful explanatory tools for investigating linguistic motivation, offering new insights into the internal structures of polysemous words. Empirical studies further confirm that semantic relationships and grammatical factors jointly influence how lexical ambiguity is processed in the brain (Liang et al. 2024).

As categorization of word meaning has gradually become the focus of academic attention in recent years, Wen and Zeng (2018) proposed the theory of “dynamic categorization.” It points out that under cognitive mechanisms, lexical categories may undergo (a) conservative gradual change within categories, (b) interaction/spanning between categories, and (c) de-categorization.

Peircean semiotics and cognitive linguistics are highly compatible in their philosophical foundations, conceptions of language, and methodological commitments (Guo 2005; Li 2014). On these grounds, Peircean semiotics may be construed, in essence, as a form of “cognitive semiotics” (Pelkey 2019). Within Peirce’s triangle, the Interpretant points to its Object and, through the Interpretant, continually renews its significance in the mind; the three elements form an irreducible whole. Based on this, the polysemous expansion of a lexical item is best viewed as the dynamic re-alignment of Sign–Object–Interpretant relations. Each metaphoric or metonymic cognitive operation represents a stage in which the sign acquires a new Interpretant; earlier and emergent meanings are connected via iconic, contiguous, or abstract semiotic transformations.

Although previous studies have explored the influence of various factors on specific word meanings and the evolution of word meanings in different cultural contexts (Liao and Li 2023; Wang and Wu 2024; Zhang 2024), there is still a need for in-depth research on how grammatical and semantic factors jointly affect the understanding and evolution of specific word meanings in the process of dynamic categorization.

This article bridges cognitive linguistics and Peircean semiotics, taking the Chinese verb jiē (揭) as a case study to explore the dynamic categorization process of its meanings and reveal the underlying semiotic nature and cognitive mechanisms, with attention to varying grammatical structures and cultural contexts.

In Old Chinese, jiē originally denoted the concrete sense of ‘to lift (an object) high,’ and its semantic extension has since followed a divergent radial path, gradually broadening into modern abstract meanings such as ‘to expose.’ Treating jiē as a culturally rooted sign, it is found that its early core sense of ‘high’ persists, while gradual base/profile shifts and regular metaphor–metonymy links to related concepts have steadily expanded its meaning.

2 Dynamic categorization theory

The theory of dynamic categorization emerged from reflections on the limitations of traditional static semantic frameworks. Early semantic research, rooted in structuralism, viewed the linguistic system as synchronically stable and focused only on paradigmatic and syntagmatic relations (Wang 2014). However, a static perspective such as this cannot account for the fuzziness/vagueness, polysemy, and context dependence of word meaning.

The rise of cognitive semantics provided a new paradigm for studying the dynamism of categorization. Liu (2006) proposed a systematic approach to de-categorization, arguing that linguistic categories have the properties of “relativity, variability, and textuality,” and revealed the dynamic transformation pathways of categories, where categorization and de-categorization form a dynamic unity. Based on this, Wen and Zeng (2018) formally developed a dynamic categorization theory. This theory proposes that lexical categories undergo three stages: (a) gradual change within a category, (b) interaction/spanning between categories, and (c) de-categorization, together forming a continuum of semantic development (Zeng 2024), as illustrated in Figure 1.

Figure 1: 
Stages in the dynamic categorization of word meaning (adapted from Zeng 2024).
Figure 1:

Stages in the dynamic categorization of word meaning (adapted from Zeng 2024).

Language can be viewed as “languaging,” an embodied action of meaning-making through which subjects construct reality from their immediate experience (Yu 2025: 30). Consequently, the dynamic categorization of word meaning should be driven by both subjective and objective motivations. The objective motivation stems from the dynamic attributes of categories and the gradience of categorical membership, while the subjective motivation is primarily propelled by the dynamic construal in cognition processes (Zeng and Wen 2025).

Zeng (2020, 2021, 2022) has further systematically explored the diachronic and synchronic mechanisms of the dynamic categorization of word meaning, which reveals that semantic categories dynamically constructed at the lexical, sentential, and discourse levels are fundamentally dependent on cognitive mechanisms such as metaphor, metonymy, and the base/profile distinction.

3 Semiotic framework for dynamic categorization of word meanings

“The most fundamental [division of signs] is into Icons, Indices, and Symbols” (CP 2.275). Icon relies on formal resemblance, index on direct physical or causal links, and symbol on social convention. Additionally, in detail, icon can be classified into three hypoicons: image, diagram, and metaphor (CP 2.277).

Semiosis, an abstract and relational meaning-making process, is dynamic or a process in an interpreter’s mind rather than static (Valsiner 2024). Any Interpretant can act as a new sign generating further Interpretants, which is defined as “infinite semiosis.” Therefore, Peirce explained that a word’s equivalent relates to it as it does to its referent, so its Interpretant is what it represents – its meaning (Cheng 2025: 54), and this relationship is shown in Figure 2. Building on this, the interpretant is both a mental act constrained by prior signs and a socially situated process that renews the sign’s meaning (Lu and Liang 2022: 61). Therefore, word meaning is a dynamic product of the Sign–Object–Interpretant triad, continuously generated in cognition and interaction, socially conventionalized, and perpetually restructured and expanded.

Figure 2: 
Word and meaning in Peirce’s semiotic triangle.
Figure 2:

Word and meaning in Peirce’s semiotic triangle.

Cognitive linguistics and Peircean semiotics share key assumptions: meaning arises from embodied experience; semiotic activity mirrors cognitive processing; research must address categorization and gestalt properties; and iconicity, metaphor, and metonymy motivate linguistic structure (Su 2012: 136). Thus, Peircean semiotics provides a robust foundation for cognitive linguistics.

In Peircean semiotics, dynamic categorization of word meaning is the constant reshaping of triadic relations. A word’s prototypical sense first works as an image icon, its resemblance grounding the initial Interpretant. Metonymy then recasts the sign as an index, foregrounding spatial or causal contiguity. Metaphor next maps the meaning into new domains, so the sign functions as a metaphorical icon. Thus, infinite semiosis continually expands and rebuilds the word’s semantic category.

Although scholars have explored the theoretical convergence between semiotics and linguistics (Burton-Roberts 2013; Guo 2005; Hu 2013; Kalelioğlu 2019; Lu 2019), work that applies Peircean semiotics to the dynamic evolution of word meaning, particularly studies grounded in the theory of dynamic categorization, remains underdeveloped.

The verb jiē (揭) is a core action verb whose rich polysemy follows several semantic extension paths from Old Chinese to the present. Tracing these diachronic shifts offers key evidence for the cognitive mechanisms and developmental patterns behind dynamic categorization. Drawing on Peircean semiotics and the dynamic categorization framework of cognitive linguistics, this paper systematically examines the semantic evolution of jiē, thereby broadening the theoretical and methodological toolkit for studying the dynamization of Chinese verb meaning.

4 Semantic analysis of jiē

The Chinese verb jiē is a frequently used character in Chinese, with its semantic evolution exhibiting radial characteristics. This section provides a semantic analysis of jiē from following aspects: (1) the semantic base of jiē; (2) the image schema of jiē; (3) the lexical senses of jiē.

4.1 The semantic base of jiē

According to Langacker (1987), the “base” refers to the comprehensive semantic network upon which a linguistic unit depends, encompassing all background knowledge and conceptual structures associated with its meaning. The base constitutes the latent frame for word meaning. Jiē is a pictographic character composed of the “hand” (扌) as the semantic component and the glyph “曷” as the phonetic component. Its original sense is ‘to lift (an object) high (with the hand or with a tool),’ making it a hand-related physical movement. Its semantic base includes elements such as the agent, patient, action, direction, and result, forming a complete dynamic event framework.

The original meaning of jiē profiles a scene in which a person uses the hand or a tool acting as an extension of the hand to lift an object, resulting in a change in the spatial position of the patient. The act of “lifting” involves the tool and direction, which includes source and path. Here, the tool is generally the hand or some implement; the direction includes both the starting point and the trajectory, since the prototypical and profile meanings of jiē involve physical contact followed by a spatial change of the patient, caused by the exertion of force via the tool. The object’s original and final positions differ, thus giving rise to a trajectory, with the endpoint corresponding to the termination of the action. This dynamic event structure for the transitive verb jiē is illustrated in Figure 3.

Figure 3: 
The semantic base of jiē.
Figure 3:

The semantic base of jiē.

4.2 The image schema of jiē

Image schemas are recurring perceptual structures that dynamically simulate spatial relations and movement (Gibbs and Colston 1995; Lakoff and Johnson 1980). They are grounded in embodied experience and constitute the fundamental cognitive mechanism that underlies the generation, extension, and metaphorization of semiotic meaning (Li and Jiang 2017; Lu 2007). Consequently, both the construction and interpretation of linguistic sign meaning depend upon the structural support afforded by image schemas.

Building on the semantic base, the participants involved in jiē are typically the hand (or a tool that functions as an extension of the hand) and the patient object that is acted upon. Treating jiē as a sign, because jiē describes a transfer of force, its meaning invokes a force schema. At the same time, the movement of the hand or tool possesses an origin, a trajectory, and a destination, thereby instantiating the source-path-goal schema (path schema). The schemas regulate the logic of cross-domain mappings from the concrete to the abstract, provide systematic motivation for the polysemy and metaphorical import of signs, and thereby serve as the bridge that links bodily experience to abstract conceptualization (Gao 2011: 18).

The path schema is not static. In different contexts, speakers adjust the internally stored schemas to fit the situation at hand. Lakoff (1987: 443) describes the “path-focus-to-end-focus” transformation, in which attention shifts from the trajectory to the endpoint of a moving object. The image schema for jiē is similarly subject to context, functioning as a semiotic mediator, which drives dynamic development of many semantic Interpretants of jiē, which are then solidified as its semantic family members. The core spatial concept encoded in jiē involves the movement of the patient from a source to a goal, with the path schema playing a central role in the category extension of jiē. The formation of new categorical members of jiē is thus closely tied to both the path schema and the direction of movement.

4.3 The lexical senses of jiē

The earliest definition of jiē in the Shuowen Jiezi (说文解字) is “揭, to lift high.” The Tangyun (唐韵) further notes: “揭, pronounced qiè, same meaning; also written as 担 or 拮.” The Rectified interpretation of the Book of Songs (毛诗正义注疏) explains jiē as signifying an upending movement, thus referring to an exposed root. Drawing on the five senses listed in the Modern Chinese dictionary (现代汉语词典) and comparing several authoritative dictionaries such as the Xinhua dictionary (新华字典), the Great dictionary of Chinese characters (汉语大字典), and the Modern Chinese standard dictionary (现代汉语规范词典), we analyzed the entries, eliminated certain loan or obsolete senses, and, where appropriate, merged or subdivided related items. The result is the set of basic senses of jiē illustrated in Table 1.

Table 1:

Lexical senses of jiē.

No. POS English gloss Chinese example Example translation
1 V. to lift (an object) high 高揭义旗 to raise the banner high
2 V. to bear; to carry 揭箧 to carry the chest
3 V. to turn upward (static) 脣揭者其齿寒 when the lips curl upward, the teeth feel cold
4 V. to cause to flip; flipping (dynamic) 风势揭天 wind gusts that sweep up the sky
5 V. to uncover; to lift open; to separate 揭纱 to lift the gauze
6 V. to remove a pasted layer 揭榜 to take down the proclamation board
7 V. to boast; to glorify 揭仁义 to proclaim one’s benevolence and righteousness
8 V. to render something past; to put behind 揭过 to cover over past events
9 V. to expose; to announce 揭晓答案 to reveal the answer
10 V. to incur debt 揭债 to incur debt
11 Adj. high in appearance or sound 揭揭; 揭貌 high-pitched; lofty in form

5 Conservative gradual change within the categories of meanings of jiē

Prior to the Middle Chinese period, the character jiē frequently appeared in orally transmitted classical poetry and songs such as the Book of Songs (Shijing). In these early contexts, the core meaning of jiē as ‘to lift (an object) high’ was especially salient and saw frequent use during the Tang and Song dynasties. Although the overall usage frequency was relatively low during this period, subsequent meanings of jiē remained tightly linked to the spatial notion of ‘high,’ reflecting the semantic stability of the term in ancient contexts. The flourishing of drama and fiction in the Ming and Qing dynasties led to a dramatic rise in the frequency of jiē, during which almost all its modern senses evolved.

5.1 The prototypical sense of jiē

As a Representamen, 揭 (jiē) is motivated by “扌,” which originated as a pictogram depicting an outstretched hand and was later conventionalized as a its Chinese character radical (Figure 4). Through diagrammatic iconicity, “扌” evokes a hand-based image schema, thereby constraining jiē’s interpretation as a hand-related action.

Figure 4: 
“扌” and jiē’s development.
Figure 4:

“扌” and jiē’s development.

Accordingly, like many action verbs, jiē initially functioned as a highly dynamic verb, as seen in the following examples:

(1)
于是乘其车, 揭其剑, 过其友曰: “孟尝君客我”。
yúshì chéng qí chē, jiē qí jiàn, guò qí yǒu yuē: Mèngcháng jūn kè wǒ
‘He therefore mounted his chariot, raised his sword, passed his friend, and said, “Lord Mengchang hosts me.”’
(Western Han Dynasty, 《战国策》 Zhànguó Cè )
(2)
斩木为兵, 揭竿而起。
zhǎn mù wéi bīng, jiē gān ér qǐ
‘They felled timber for weapons and raised poles to rebel.’
(Western Han Dynasty, 《过秦论》 Guò Qín Lùn)

In Examples (1) and (2), the Object is, respectively, the concrete act of “brandishing a sword aloft” and of “raising a pole high in the air.” When people read or hear “揭” in sentences like these, they first activate the core image of ‘lifting (an object) high’ with the hand, which is the initial Interpretant. As the phrase “jiē gān ér qǐ” is repeatedly used in political or literary contexts, addressees gradually come to associate the phrase with the conventionalized, idiomatic meaning of ‘uprising’ and ‘rebellion.’ This extension retains its abstract meaning in the idiom jiē gān ér qǐ ‘to rise in revolt with raised poles.’

According to the transitivity criteria proposed by Hopper and Thompson (1980), jiē exhibits multiple features of a highly dynamic verb. In jiē qí jiàn ‘raised his sword’ and jiē gān ér qǐ ‘rose in revolt with raised poles,’ the action involves at least two participants, an agent and a patient, fulfilling the requirement of multiple participants. Jiē describes a concrete action, not a state; the action is performed autonomously by the agent, and it is completed instantaneously and decisively within the narrative context. Furthermore, the agent exerts significant force upon the patient (“sword” or “pole”), indicating strong agentivity.

Jiē at this stage is a verb of high transitivity and strong dynamicity. The structure “jiē + noun (patient)” may also be analogically extended to phrases like jiē jù ‘raise a torch’ or jiē fǔ ‘raise an axe,’ in which the dynamic force of the verb is maximized and analogy is strongest. Therefore, the sense ‘to lift (an object) high’ is identified as the prototypical sense of jiē.

5.2 Gradual semantic change in the “jiē + noun (object)” structures

According to the base/profile theory (Langacker 1987), “profile” is the component of a conceptual base that a particular usage foregrounds, and it is the focus of attention during actual communication. By shifting the profile, the same underlying base can yield polysemy; in specific communicative contexts, speakers focus attention on particular elements of the event structure while backgrounding others, which demonstrates the dynamic categorization of word meaning and results from the interplay between linguistic form and cognitive function (Zeng and Wen 2019). The diachronic evolution of word meaning is thus not a simple accumulation of discrete senses, but rather unfolds as extensions within a single base, through shifts in profile.

Words rely on structural context to construct meaning (Li and Meng 2022). The meanings of jiē have changed along with the objects it refers to. For jiē, semantic evolution within its category is mainly realized through the profiling of the patient object. While the earlier, prototypical category referred to light or small objects that could be raised by hand or tool, with increased salience of weight or size, jiē came to describe the lifting or bearing of heavier or larger objects. In the agricultural age, moving heavy objects was commonly done by shouldering them. Meanwhile, the sign jiē, bearing the sense ‘to lift high,’ gradually shifted in function from an icon to an index. Grounded in the causal connection between shouldering a heavy load and its patient, its semantic motivation moved from iconic resemblance to indexical reference to a specific action or resultant state. This transformation was accompanied by the emergence of new Interpretants. And these motivated sense (2) ‘to bear; to carry.’ For example:

(3)
然而巨盗至, 则负匮、 揭箧、 担囊而趋
rán’ér jùdào zhì zé fù kuì jiē qiè dān náng ér qū
‘However, when the notorious bandit arrived, (people) shouldered coffers, bore chests, carried bags, and fled.’
(Warring States, 《庄子·胠箧》 Zhuāngzǐ · Qū Qiè)
(4)
全写则揭箧, 傍采则探囊
quán xiě zé jiē qiè bàng cǎi zé tàn náng
‘If one copies in full, one must bear the chest; if one excerpts selectively, one merely dips into the bag.’
(Southern Dynasties, 《文心雕龙·指瑕》 Wénxīn Diāolóng · Zhǐ Xiá)

In Examples (3) and (4), the collocation jiē qiè ‘bore chests’ denotes the act of shouldering a wicker chest. In this usage, the Object is the motion of lifting the chest off the ground and carrying it away. Even addressees unfamiliar with jiē can arrive at an initial construal by drawing on near-synonymous verbs such as jù dào ‘notorious bandit’ and fù kuì ‘shouldered coffers,’ together with the common sense that a chest, being fairly heavy, must be borne on the shoulder or back. Because the load is substantial, the action of shouldering or bearing is foregrounded, and through repeated occurrences in literary texts the corresponding Interpretant becomes conventionalized as the new lexical sense ‘to bear; to carry.’ This sense maintains a close conceptual relationship with the original meaning, as the verb is still followed by a tangible, physical object (the patient), and the action is highly dynamic. Therefore, the meaning of jiē in these contexts remains proximal to the prototypical sense, representing a shift in the profiled element of the event base. This shift aligns with Bybee’s (2010) semantic proximity principle, whereby semantic extension in lexical categories tends to privilege meanings most similar to the original.

6 Interaction and spanning between the categories of meaning of jiē

According to category theory, prototypes establish links among subcategories by means of metaphor and metonymy, allowing polysemous words to attract other meanings via a semantic core (Taylor 2001: 99–100). In other words, the interaction and spanning between semantic categories are frequently realized through metonymy and metaphor.

Metonymy is fundamentally structured by prototypes, with all metonymic types related to the prototypical core, grounded in spatial part-whole contiguity (Peirsman and Geeraerts 2006). In this sense, metonymy not only motivates grammatical constructions but is also constrained by them (Ruiz de Mendoza and Pérez 2001: 322). Wu (2011: 50) further demonstrates that grammatical metonymy typically operates through re-categorization, sub-categorization, and valency expansion or reduction. Al-Sharafi (2004: 91) argues that Peirce’s triadic sign model maps directly onto metonymy: the “representing element” acts as the Interpretant, its evoked cognitive meaning as the Interpretant, and the Represented entity as the Object; metonymic relations embody the sign’s indexical function, pointing to the Object via contiguity or causality, all sharing the core of “Representation,” one entity standing for another.

Metaphor not only fosters novel meanings but also plays a critical role in semantic elaboration and restructuring (Bowdle and Gentner 2005). In addition, research conducted by Zhang (2010) shows that metaphor has a hierarchical structure of signs. At the lexical level, the tenor functions as the Object, the vehicle as the Interpretant, and the two are connected by the Interpretant; at the sentential level, the Interpretant at the lexical level becomes a new Interpretant, pointing to the deep-seated Object and generating a new Interpretant; the two levels are linked through an infinite process of signification. Moreover, drawing on Peirce’s philosophical categories and triadic sign classification, metaphor is divided into three types that may overlap: the iconic, the indexical, and the symbolic.

Therefore, during semantic evolution, words initially anchored in prototypical meanings develop new semantic items through adjustments to image schemas and cognitive interactions with adjacent or similar semantic categories. This semantic shift is also potentially influenced by grammatical structures, facilitating the emergence of new senses.

6.1 Interaction and spanning in “noun + jiē (static)” structures

According to cognitive semantics (Lakoff 1987), meanings pole of a verb can be viewed dynamically, involving the transfer of force, space, and time. In its initial meaning, jiē involved an action causing an object’s movement or state change; when the resulting state of the object becomes the focal point, a new meaning emerges. This scenario existed even before medieval Chinese:

(5)
臣闻之, 脣揭者其齿寒, 愿大王之熟计之。
chén wén zhī, chún jiē zhě qí chǐ hán, yuàn dàwáng zhī shú jì zhī
‘I have heard that when lips curl upward, teeth feel cold; I hope your majesty considers this carefully.’
(Western Han Dynasty, 《战国策》 Zhànguó Cè)
(6)
多食酸则肉胝而唇揭是也。
duō shí suān zé ròu zhī ér chún jiē shì yě
‘Eating too much sour food causes thickened flesh and upward-curled lips.’
(Ming Dynasty, 《证治准绳杂病》 Zhèngzhì Zhǔnshéng Zábìng)

In Examples (5) and (6), jiē serves as the Representamen. Its Object is the pathological condition in which the lips are everted upward owing to illness or related causes. In medical treatises, the collocation chún jiē ‘lips curl upward’ functions as a diagnostic sign, with the causal contiguity between the symptom (lip eversion) and the underlying disorder establishing a new sign relation. In this context, the Interpretant of jiē extends from “to lift high” to the state “to turn upward.”

Within the overall behavioral pattern of jiē, the agent ‘lifts up’ the patient. When the resultant state and direction of the patient are highlighted, the patient’s state of ‘flipping upward’ emerges. Therefore, although jiē in Examples (5) and (6) has a static meaning, it also acquires a dynamic connotation through the metonymic mechanism of result for action, based on the adjacency relationship between parts within the adjacent category. This forms a static predicate and yields sense (3), ‘to turn upward (static),’ where the state denoted by the predicate is interpreted as the result of the action (Wu 2011: 61). Additionally, at this stage, jiē shifts from a bivalent verb to a monovalent verb, grammatically forming the structure of “noun + jiē (static).”

6.2 Interaction and spanning in “jiē + noun (natural phenomena)” structures

However, the interaction between categories is not fixedly unidirectional. According to the view of gradual category change (Croft 2001), semantic categories are not isolated or scattered; their boundaries flexibly expand with changes in cognitive salience. When cognitive agents refocus on the action of jiē itself, especially in cognitive domains with obvious dynamic features such as natural phenomena, the dynamic potential of jiē will be activated again, manifesting as dynamic actions and resultant states. At this time, jiē participates in an indexical sign that signals a natural causal relation.

(7)
悬流揭浪标。
xuán liú jiē làng biāo
hanging stream lift wave top
‘The falling stream lifts wave crests.’
(Tang Dynasty, 《次同冠峡》 Cì Tóng Guān Xiá)
(8)
风势揭天, 急雨如注。
fēngshì jiē tiān jí yǔ rú zhù
‘Wind gusts seemed to flip the sky, heavy rain poured down.’
(Jin Dynasty, 《刘知远诸宫调・知远别三娘太原投事》 Liú Zhīyuǎn Zhūgōngdiào · Zhīyuǎn Bié Sānniáng Tàiyuán Tóushì)
(9)
风动处, 浮云揭
fēng dòng chù fúyún jiē
‘Where the wind arises, clouds roll upward.’
(Southern Song Dynasty, 《满江红》 Mǎn Jiāng Hóng)

In Examples (7) and (8), jiē in the static sense ‘to turn upward’ serves as the Representamen, while the Object is the dynamic sense of ‘falling water making the wave crest flip’ or ‘a violent wind seemingly turning the whole sky over.’ Jiē establishes its indexical link through these Objects. The cognitive underpinning of this link is a cross-domain mapping of the force schema, recruiting experiential knowledge of how forces produce upward displacement, speakers license a new a new Interpretant that encodes physical phenomena, namely, ‘to cause … to flip.’

Also, within the cognitive agent’s Result-Action ICM (idealized cognitive model), jiē is reconceptualized from denoting a static resultant state to a dynamic action through the principle of proximity, establishing a connection between the action and the resultant state. Through the metonymic mechanism of action for result, the patient object is highlighted, yielding the sense ‘to cause… to flip’ and shifting from a monovalent to a bivalent verb. Grammatically, this forms the structure “jiē + noun (natural phenomenon).”

In Example (9), jiē evolves from the meaning ‘to cause… to flip’ to ‘flipping (dynamic)’ through the metonymic mechanism of result for action, emphasizing the dynamic outcome of the clouds when the wind rises. Through this integration, sense (4) ‘to cause to flip; flipping (dynamic)’ is established.

Though all three examples come from ancient poetry, jiē allows two distinct Interpretants: one static, one dynamic. This is because Chinese poetry’s highly compressed four-, six-, and seven-character lines, constrained by strict prosody, omit explicit grammatical markers and often leave both agent and patient unstated. In such elliptical contexts, jiē can denote either the action or its result. When paired with force-bearing nouns like xuán liú ‘hanging stream’ or fēngshì ‘wind gust,’ readers naturally take it as a dynamic event. When collocated with state-oriented nouns such as fúyún ‘clouds’ or làng ‘waves,’ however, it is more readily interpreted as a completed static state.

6.3 Interaction and spanning in “jiē + noun (sheet-like object)” structures

The original sense of jiē, ‘lift (an object) high,’ can be conceptualized as a complete action sequence where the result stage involves the patient object moving from its initial position to a final position, “breaking away” from the initial position. When the cognitive subject shifts attention from the action’s starting phase (lifting) to the result phase (separation), the entire action process of jiē is reconceptualized as an overall behavior of “causing an object to separate from its attached surface.” This semantic extension is also accompanied by the refinement of the object category.

According to the base/profile theory, when the object of jiē shifts from natural phenomena to artificial objects, the [+sheet-like][-rigid] features in its base become highlighted. Its cognitive schema matches the “separation” action, expanding the semantic boundary of jiē to ‘lift or pull away a sheet-like object.’ Additionally, within the same base, the direction of the patient object’s displacement is not emphasized, leading to generalization. For example, jiē lián ‘lift the curtain’ typically involves objects adjacent left and right, while jiē gài ‘remove the lid’ highlights the vertical (covering) directional relationship, thus emphasizing the “separation” result of jiē.

(10)
一手揭帘微转头。
yī shǒu jiē lián wēi zhuǎn tóu
‘Lifting the curtain with one hand, slightly turning the head.’
(Tang Dynasty, 《复偶见三绝》 Fù Ǒu Jiàn Sān Jué)
(11)
尸忽长叹, 自揭面帛。
shī hū chángtàn zì jiē miànbó
‘The corpse suddenly sighed, removing the cloth from its own face.’
(Southern Song Dynasty, 《夷坚甲志》 Yí Jiān Jiǎ Zhì)

In Examples (10) and (11), jiē in the sense ‘to lift high’ functions as the Representamen, while the Object is the action of “lifting a curtain” or “removing the cloth.” Phrases jiē lián ‘lift the curtain’ and jiē miànbó ‘remove the face cloth’ both embodying a complete behavioral sequence of ‘cause… to separate from…’ Here, the typical meaning ‘lift (an object) high’ of jiē represents a fragment within this process, reflecting the adjacency between the overall behavioral pattern and its internal sub-actions. Under the influence of base/profile theory, the profile highlights that the object is a thin, lightweight, sheet-like item joined together, forming the grammatical structure “jiē + noun (sheet-like object).” Through the metonymic mechanism of whole for part, jiē extends from its typical meaning to sense (5), and is instantiated as an Interpretant reading ‘to uncover; to lift open; to separate,’ which points to the Object “the action of detaching a sheet-like entity from the surface.”

During the Ming and Qing dynasties, the rise of vernacular novels further propelled the semantic evolution of jiē, with the object category of jiē shifting from general sheet-like objects to adhesive sheet-like objects. Within the Peircean triad, the Representamen jiē explicitly indexes a causal instrumental event, where the Object now emphasizes sheet-like items affixed to surfaces. This further refines the Interpretant to the act of deliberate removal. Examples include:

(12)
你揭了榜来耶?
nǐ jiē le bǎng lái yé
‘Did you remove the proclamation?’
(Ming Dynasty, 《西游记》 Xī Yóu Jì)
(13)
叫他揭了膏药。
jiào tā jiē le gāoyào
‘Tell him to peel off the medicated plaster.’
(Ming Dynasty, 《醒世姻缘传》 Xǐngshì Yīnyuán Zhuàn)
(14)
揭去身上的符印。
jiē qù shēn-shang de fúyìn
‘He tore the talisman from his body and escaped from prison.’
(Qing Dynasty, 《幻中游》 Huanzhōng Yóu)

In Examples (12), (13), and (14), the Objects of jiē are the actions of tearing down pasted bǎngwén ‘notice,’ peeling off gāoyào ‘plaster,’ and removing fúyìn ‘talisman seals.’ The patients of jiē, bǎng, gāoyào, and fúyìn, share a highlighted base feature of [+pasted] compared to lián and miànbó in Examples (10) and (11). The former objects are first affixed to another surface, and the action of jiē serves the purpose of removing these pasted layers. Thus, the object category of jiē shifts from general sheet-like things to pasted layers. Through the metonymic mechanism of action for purpose, jiē now yields an Interpretant as sense (6) ‘to remove pasted layer.’ This evolution also gives rise to modern usages like jiē miànmó ‘peel off a facial mask’ and jiē biànlì tiē ‘remove a sticky note,’ solidifying the stable status of this meaning.

6.4 Interaction and spanning in “jiē + noun (abstract)” structures

Previously discussed objects of jiē have all been concrete, tangible substances. However, the construction of abstract concepts often relies on the structural features of specific actions (Lakoff 1987). As early as the Warring States period, abstract things began to appear as Objects of jiē, generating semantic leaps from physical actions to abstract behaviors through metaphorical mechanisms, mapping from the material domain to abstract domains such as the social and temporal domains.

6.4.1 Mapping from the material domain to the social domain

Through corpus analysis, we find that the meaning of jiē first mapped to the social domain. For one thing, this may be because human social activities rely on material tools and spaces, which have deeper connections in embodied experience. For another, it originates in the conceptual demands and socio-discursive conventions of political prose. At this stage, the abstract sense of jiē persists as a metaphorical icon, where the parallelism between physical lifting and social proclamation remains cognitively active.

(15)
又何偈偈乎揭仁义, 若击鼓而求亡子焉!
yòu hé jiéjié hū jiē rényì ruò jī gǔ ér qiú wáng zǐ yān
‘Why constantly glorify benevolence and righteousness, as futile as beating a drum to find a lost child!’
(Warring States, 《庄子·天道》 Zhuāng Zǐ · Tiān Dào)
(16)
后世文士, 竞揭义理为帜, 而空言无实。
hòushì wénshì jìng jiē yìlǐ wéi zhì ér kōngyán wú shí
‘Scholars of later generations competed to glorify principles as banners, but their words were empty.’
(Qing Dynasty, 《文史通义》 Wén Shǐ Tōng Yì)
(17)
不论高揭什么主义, 只要你肯竭力向实际运动的方面努力去做…
bùlùn gāo jiē shénme zhǔyì zhǐyào nǐ kěn jiélì xiàng shíjì yùndòng de fāngmiàn nǔlì qù zuò…
‘No matter what doctrine you glorify, as long as you work hard toward practical movements…’
(Modern times, 《多研究些问题, 少谈些 “主义”》 Duō Yánjiū Xiē Wèntí, Shǎo Tán Xiē “Zhǔyì”)

In Examples (15), (16) and (17), the original meaning of jiē has been metaphorically extended to function primarily as a metaphorical icon wherein the form–meaning association relies on a cognitive mapping from physical elevation to social prominence. The semantic element of ‘high’ inherent to jiē remains significant because it anchors the metaphorical iconicity. Based on embodied experience, objects lifted high are easily visible, and cognitive experiences of social influence are mirrored in the metaphor abstract significance is physical height. Abstract concepts such as rényì ‘benevolence,’ yìlǐ ‘principles,’ and zhǔyì ‘doctrine’ are thus metaphorically mapped as physical objects that can be lifted.

6.4.2 Mapping from the physical domain to the temporal domain

Time is relatively abstract, requiring people to understand it through metaphor, with spatial concepts being the most commonly used for perceiving time (Liu and Zhang 2009). . Grounded in the conceptual metaphor time as space, a diagrammatic iconicity, spatial mappings of direction and path enable the semantic extension of jiē into the temporal domain, yielding sense (8) ‘to render something past; to put behind.’

(18)
只见得三两分了, 便草草揭过。
zhǐ jiànde sān liǎng fēn le biàn cǎocǎo jiē guò
‘Having understood just a little, (one) hurriedly rendered it past.’
(Southern Song Dynasty, 《朱子语类》 Zhū Zǐ Yǔ Lèi)
(19)
想打个圆场揭过这一张去。
xiǎng dǎ ge yuánchǎng jiē guò zhè yī zhāng qù
‘He wanted to smooth things over and render this chapter past.’
(Modern times, 《大刀记》 Dà Dāo Jì)

In Example (18), the compound jiē guò ‘render it pass’ no longer depicts the concrete action of uncovering, but instead signifies a cognitive operation of dismissing events from present attention. In Example (19), the event is metaphorically construed as a spatial object that can be “lifted away” from the current temporal plane.

Source: the event in its current state, the moment people begin to address it.

Path: the passage of time, driven by actions like cǎocǎo ‘hastily’ or dǎ gè yuánchǎng ‘smooth’

Goal: the event becoming the past, no longer the focus.

The physical gesture of removing a cover (rendering an object invisible) maps diagrammatically to the cognitive act of consigning events to the past (removing them from mental focus).

6.4.3 Mapping from the material domain to the psychological-cognitive domain

We have mentioned that when jiē initially meant the concrete action of ‘uncovering, lifting, or separating’ objects, it involved physical movements emphasizing the separation of sheet-like objects by external force. If two objects are in a vertical (covering) relationship, one is the cover and the other is the covered, with jiē resulting in not just separation but also the exposure of the covered object, which repeatedly appears in daily experience, forming a stable cognitive schema. In the psychological-cognitive domain, information that people wish to hide, such as flaws, privacy, secrets, is similar to hidden objects, establishing a metaphorical iconic relationship between the material and psychological domains.

(20)
高叫道: “是那个在山上吟诗, 揭我的短哩?”
gāo jiào dào shì nàge zài shān shang yín shī jiē wǒ de duǎn li
‘He shouted, “Who up there on the mountain is chanting poems and exposing my shortcomings?”’
(Ming Dynasty, 《西游记》 Xī Yóu Jì)
(21)
不护短, 敢碰硬, 敢揭疮疤…才能带出一支好队伍。
bù hùduǎn gǎn pèngyìng gǎn jiē chuāngbā…cái néng dàichū yī zhī hǎo duìwu
‘One must not cover up faults, must dare to face difficulties and expose festering sores…can a good team be built.’
(Modern Times, 《人民日报》 Rénmín Rìbào)

In Example (20) duǎn ‘shortcoming’ metonymically refers to “flaws” through the mechanism of attribute for concept, accordingly, jiē wǒ de duǎn li, where jiē functions as a metaphorical icon, means ‘to expose my shortcomings.’ “Flaws” are metaphorically treated as covered entities, with the action of jiē, originally an iconic image in the material domain, mapping to the cognitive domain. This mapping from the material to the psychological-cognitive domain reflects two types of similarity embedded in iconicity:

Force-dynamism: The physical action of jiē involves force and dynamics (using hand strength to lift a cover, a momentary action). In the psychological domain, this abstracts into using intellectual or logical force to reveal hidden truths, though not instantaneous.

Conceptual similarity: In the material domain, the object of jiē is hidden under a cover; in the psychological domain, secrets or conspiracies are similarly concealed.

This metaphorical iconicity reifies abstract concepts, making them easier to understand. In Example (21), similarly, chuāngbā ‘scars’ are the “problems” inside an organization, such as corruption, blunders. To summarize, the Object of jiē in these uses is the action of ‘touching on someone’s sore spots or revealing their embarrassing experiences or privacy.’ The addressee interprets jiē wǒ de duǎn and jiē chuāngbā as social acts that ‘make someone lose face’ or ‘bring hidden faults to light.’ Later, metonymic extensions within the category produced phrases like jiē tòngchù ‘expose a painful spot’ and jiē chǒu ‘reveal ugliness,’ stabilizing sense (9) ‘to expose; to announce,’ which functions as an Interpretant.

Through repeated perception of cause–effect relationships in physical actions, people also form a conceptual structure of causative relationships (Wu 2011: 98). Thus, when jiē retains the meaning of ‘to expose; to announce,’ it forms a diagrammatic iconic causative relationship with subsequent result verbs. Examples are given below.

(22)
理论可以帮助人们透过历史现象, 揭示历史本质。
lǐlùn kěyǐ bāngzhù rénmen tòuguò lìshǐ xiànxiàng jiē-shì lìshǐ běnzhì
‘Theory can help people look beyond historical phenomena and reveal the essence of history.’
(Modern Times, 《历史学概说》 Lì Shǐ Xué Gài Shuō)
(23)
…究竟花落谁家, 国际奥委会主席罗格将向世人揭晓答案。
…jiùjìng huā-luò shuí jiā guójì Àowěihuì zhǔxí Luógé jiāng xiàng shì-rén jiēxiǎo dá’àn
‘Who will…? IOC President Rogge will announce the answer to the world.’
(Modern Times, 新华社 Xinhua News Agency)

Examples (22) and (23) show that when jiē carries the sense ‘to uncover, to lift open, to separate,’ its Object is an abstract and cognitive action, metaphorically iconic as bringing to light what was previously hidden, such as lìshǐ běnzhì ‘the essence of history’ or dá’àn ‘the answer.’ The addressee construes this abstract meaning by analogy with a physical motion, a mapping achieved through metaphorical iconicity.

The examples demonstrate the metaphorical path from a concrete motion to an abstract cognitive action. Instead of the earlier jiē + N pattern, jiē now occurs in a verb-result compound (V-RC) of the form jiē + [RESULT-V], creating a causative event through result-metonymy, which can be seen as a form of diagrammatic iconicity. At this stage, the meaning is maximally abstract: besides metaphorical abstraction of the action, a part for whole ICM, an indexical metonymy, maps the final sub-event (jiē + result-V) onto the entire causal process.

In jiē-shì ‘reveal,’ the second syllable shì ‘show, display’ profiles the resulting state. Jiē means an abstract complex action (planning/acting) after metaphorical extension from its prototype sense; lìshǐ běnzhì ‘the essence of history’ is both the object of jiē and the subject of shì. Conceptually, [jiē history essence] CAUSE [history essence SHOW]. Similarly, jiē-xiǎo ‘announce, make known’ in Example (23) can be expressed as [jiē answer] CAUSE [answer KNOW] through diagrammatic iconicity in the structure.

6.4.4 Mapping from the physical domain to the socioeconomic domain

Initially, the sense of jiē ‘to shoulder, to bear’ is the concrete physical act of bearing the weight of an object. As socioeconomic activity developed, people perceived a structural parallelism between “bearing physical weight” and “bearing debt pressure” in psychological experience and conceptual structure, prompting a metaphorical transfer within iconicity, a triadic representational parallelism, where the “carry” action is transferred to the behavior of “borrowing debt,” thereby extending the semantic category of jiē, which functions as the a new Interpretant of jiē. The following examples illustrate this development.

(24)
论才难布摆, 钱难揭债, 物无借贷。
lùn cái nán bùbǎi qián nán jiē zhài wù wú jièdài
‘Talents are hard to deploy; money scarce to settle debts; goods never borrowed nor lent.’
(Yuan Dynasty, 《全元曲》 Quán Yuán Qǔ)
(25)
又去揭债。
yòu qù jiē zhài
again go incur debt
‘Went to borrow money again.’
(Ming Dynasty, 《警世通言》 Jǐng Shì Tōng Yán)
(26)
又揭了十几块, 拿回来把利钱还上。
yòu jiē le shí jǐ kuài ná huílai bǎ lìqián huán shàng
‘[I] borrowed another dozen yuan, brought them back, and paid off the interest.’
(Modern times, 《长夜》 Cháng Yè)

Example (24) the phrase qián nán jiē zhài ‘money is hard to borrow-on-credit’ shows the earliest link between jiē and debt, which is a usage common in Ming-Qing novels and modern literature. Repeated perception of the similarity between bearing physical weight and debt pressure organizes this experience into a conventional scenario, abstracted into a cognitive schema stored as an image schema, thus strengthening the extended meaning of jiē.

In sum, the dynamic categorization of jiē therefore unfolded in two stages. First, the sign jiē functioned mainly as a diagrammatic icon or index; metonymic interaction with adjacent categories produced new senses (3)–(6). Subsequently, the sign jiē functioned mainly as a metaphorical icon; metaphorical mapping to similar abstract domains yielded senses (7)–(10). Each of these senses emerged as a new Interpretant of jiē through the reconstruction of the Sign–Object–Interpretant relation. Through this process jiē evolved from denoting a concrete bodily action, to a result state, and finally to an abstract performative verb in “jiē + Noun (abstract)” structure, no longer requiring literal bodily movement.

7 De-categorization

Zeng (2018) mentions that dynamically constructed categories typically evolve in two main ways: first, instantly constructed category members become widely adopted due to aligning with the linguistic needs of the majority of speakers, eventually becoming conventionalized; second, these category members undergo continuous change through processes of de-categorization and re-categorization, thus achieving diachronic category construction. During the historical semantic evolution of the ancient Chinese verb jiē, its meaning gradually shifted from the verb category, under the influence of image schemas, eventually becoming decategorized into an adjective.

(27)
服觉皓以殊俗兮, 貌揭揭以巍巍。
fú jué hào yǐ shū sú xī, mào jiējiē yǐ wēiwēi
‘His attire is outstandingly bright and unusual, his appearance towering and majestic.’
(Western Han Dynasty, 《楚辞・刘向<九叹・远游>》 Chǔ Cí・Liú Xiàng <Jiǔ Tàn・Yuǎn Yóu>)
(28)
玉立纤腰, 一片揭天歌吹。
yù lì xiān yāo, yī piàn jiē tiān gē chuī
‘Standing jade-like with slender waist, a melody soaring skyward.’
(Five Dynasties, 《金浮图》 Jīn Fú Tú)
(29)
乐府家谓揭调者, 高调也。
yuèfǔ jiā wèi jiē diào zhě, gāo diào yě
‘Yuefu musicians call a ‘jiē tune’ a high-pitched tune.’
(Ming Dynasty, 《丹铅总录・诗话・揭调》 Dān Qiān Zǒng Lù・Shī Huà・Jiē Diào)

In Example (29), jiējiē, functions as a sign and depicts concrete, perceivable external features, reflecting the initial shift of jiē from its original meaning of ‘lift (an object) high’ to describing the height characteristics of specific objects, the Object in this context. Here, the Interpretant of jiē evolves from ‘lifting high’ to signifying that an object’s height reaches a certain notable degree, conforming to the nature of an icon due to the characteristic similarity between the sign and its Object. The semantic resonance between wēiwēi ‘majestic’ and jiējiē ‘towering’ reinforces the cognitive salience of this spatial height by stabilizing the Interpretant.

In Example (30), although sound itself is abstract, it is mapped onto spatial height through spatial metaphor. Jiē tiān serves as a Sign, whose Object is an image of music soaring upward into the sky. Tiān ‘sky/heaven’ acts as an intermediary in the semiosis process, functioning as an index through its causal association with ‘extreme elevation,’ which strengthens the Interpretant and drives the metaphorical mapping between sound and spatial height.

Similarly, jiē diào in Example (31) illustrates the conceptual similarity between spatial height and pitch height, with jiē diào as a sign embodying iconicity between the two domains. At this stage, the actional feature of jiē is almost completely diminished, leaving only the spatial feature of ‘height.’ Jiē ultimately departed from the verb category through metaphor, acquiring a new Interpretant, in sense (11), as an adjective.

At this stage, the sign jiē that still retains the semantic component ‘to lift high’ has shifted into a metaphorical icon. It was precisely in ancient times, when written sources were relatively scarce and oral literature like shi (诗) and fu (赋) thrived, that verb meanings more easily entered the de-categorization stage, often appearing in reduplicated forms like jiējiē or cǎicǎi (采采 ‘luxuriant; bright’).

8 Conclusions

The original meaning of the Chinese verb jiē is ‘to lift (an object) up high (with hands or a tool).’ Grounded in Peircean semiotics and cognitive linguistics, particularly in the theory of dynamic categorization, this study systematically explored the semantic evolution of jiē across historical literary texts. The analysis highlights the semantic base structured as “Agent + Action (tool) + Patient + Result (Direction),” and demonstrates how dynamic categorization involves processes such as base/profile shifts, metonymic adjacency mappings, and metaphorical cross-domain extensions. These processes unfold through conservative gradual change within categories, interaction and spanning between categories, and de-categorization, presenting a continuum rather than discrete shifts. The basic radiation paths are demonstrated in Figure 5, and the semiosis is illustrated as Figure 6; the semantic changes have been systematically organized in Table 2.

Figure 5: 
Basic radiation paths of meanings of jiē.
Figure 5:

Basic radiation paths of meanings of jiē.

Figure 6: 
Semiosis of jiē. Notes: R, Representamen; I, Interpretant; O, Object; solid line, attested derivation, dashed line, potential continuation under infinite semiosis; an Interpretant that stabilizes becomes the Representamen in the next cycle.
Figure 6:

Semiosis of jiē. Notes: R, Representamen; I, Interpretant; O, Object; solid line, attested derivation, dashed line, potential continuation under infinite semiosis; an Interpretant that stabilizes becomes the Representamen in the next cycle.

Table 2:

The dynamic categorization of meanings of jiē.

Stage Originating meaning Mechanism of semantic extension Sign–object relation Resulting extended meaning
Conservative gradual change within categories (1) to lift (an object) high base/profile Weight/size of object is profiled Index (2) to bear; to carry

Interaction/spanning between categories (1) to lift (an object) high Metonymy Result for action Index (3) to turn upward (static)
(3) to turn upward (static) Action for result Index (4) to cause to flip; flipping (dynamic)
(1) to lift (an object) high whole for part Index (5) to uncover; to lift open; to separate
(5) to uncover; to lift open; to separate Action for purpose Index (6) to remove a pasted layer

(1) to lift (an object) high Metaphor Material domain → social domain Icon (7) to boast; to glorify
(5) to uncover; to lift open; to separate Material domain → temporal domain Icon (8) to render something past; to put behind
Material domain → psychological-cognitive domain Icon (9) to expose; to announce
(2) to bear; to carry Material domain → socioeconomic domain Icon (10) to incur debt

De-categorization (1) to lift (an object) high Metaphor Material domain → sensory domain Icon (11) high in appearance or sound

From a semiotic perspective, this study sheds important light on Chinese as a semiotic system, emphasizing the dynamic and continuous interplay among Peirce’s iconic, indexical, and symbolic modes. The semantic evolution of jiē exemplifies how Chinese characters, initially image icons, undergo semiotic transformations into index and metaphorical icons through metonymic and metaphorical mechanisms, each generating new Interpretants. This underscores the integral role of infinite semiosis in Chinese lexical development.

This research also carries important practical implications, especially for dictionary compilation and Chinese language teaching. The findings may assist lexicographers in creating more precise and cognitively grounded dictionary entries that reflect the dynamic semantic development of high-frequency verbs. For language educators, the analysis of dynamic categorization and semiotic mechanisms can enrich classroom teaching by clarifying the cognitive motivations behind meaning extension and fostering greater lexical awareness among learners.

However, this study has some limitations. First, the data mainly comes from literary works and dictionaries, so future research should include more diverse sources such as different types of texts, spoken language, and online materials to better capture the modern usage of jiē. Second, this paper focuses on broad, historical changes; future studies could use cognitive or experimental methods to explore how people process these meanings in real time. Finally, as this research looks at just a single word, future work could apply this approach that integrates cognitive linguistics and semiotics to other Chinese verbs with rich polysemy, or conduct comparative studies across languages to evaluate the universality and specificity of Peircean semiotic mediation in lexical evolution.


Corresponding author: Rong Zeng, School of Foreign Languages, Southwest University of Political Science and Law, Chongqing, 401120, China, E-mail:

Award Identifier / Grant number: 21BYY168

About the authors

Rong Zeng

Rong Zeng (b. 1980) is an associate professor at Southwest University of Political Science and Law. Her research focuses on cognitive linguistics and translation, and her publications include: “The realization of dynamic categorization of word meaning in different dimensions of language” (2020); “The base/profile approach to dynamic semantic categorization: Taking the verb “do” as an example” (2021); “Meme research on semantic dynamic categorization of buzzwords” (2019); “Working mechanism of dynamic categorization of word meanings” (2022).

Hua Tang

Hua Tang (b. 2001) is a master’s student majoring in foreign languages and literature at Southwest University of Political Science and Law. Her research interests include cognitive linguistics, language acquisition, and translation.

  1. Author contributions: Rong Zeng conceived and designed the study, supervised the research, secured the funding, and critically revised and edited the manuscript. Hua Tang carried out the investigation, conducted the formal analysis and visualization, and prepared the original draft.

  2. Conflict of interests: The authors have no competing interests.

  3. Research funding: This research is supported by the National Social Science Fund of China, General Project “A Study on the Dynamic Categorization of Chinese Verb Meanings” (Grant No. 21BYY168).

  4. Data availability: Not applicable.

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Received: 2025-05-29
Accepted: 2025-07-28
Published Online: 2025-12-18

© 2025 the author(s), published by De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston

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