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Twittering Child Trafficking: A Corpus-Assisted Discourse Analysis of Selected X Interactions

  • Ezekiel Olajimbiti

    Ezekiel Olajimbiti lectures in the Department of English and Literary Studie, Federal University Lokoja, Nigeria. He has authored a considerable number of articles published in international journals, including Discourse Studies, Languages, Journal of Media Research, Journal for Discourse Studies, Language and Semiotic Studies, Africology: The Journal of Pan African Studies among others. He has chapter contributions to some books. Dr. Olajimbiti is a fellow of the George Forster Fellowship, Alexander von Humboldt Foundation Germany.

    and Ayo Osisanwo

    Ayo Osisanwo is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of English, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. His articles have appeared in international journals, including Discourse & Society, Discourse and Communication, Critical Discourse Studies, Critical Terrorism Studies, Language Matters, African Identity, Sexuality & Culture, Journal of Forensic Psychology Research and Practice, Journal of Asian and African Studies, Corpus-Based Studies Across Humanities, Language and Semiotic Studies, Comedy Studies, Howard Journal of Communications, European Journal of Humour Research, Athens Journal of Mass Media and Communication, World Journal of English Language, Journal of Arts and Design Studies, Journal of Linguistic Association of Nigeria, Working Papers: Journal of English Studies, Ibadan Journal of Humanistic Studies, Ibadan Journal of English Studies, Papers in English Linguistics, Ife Studies in English Linguistics, among others. He has also authored, contributed to and co-edited some books. He is a Postdoctoral Fellow of the African Humanities Programme (AHP) of the American Council of Learned Societies (ACLS), New York, USA. He is a 2020 Grantee, Remote-mentorship, African Humanities Program (AHP) of the American Council of Learned Societies (ACLS), Department of Linguistics, University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania; and a Fellow of the Georg Forster Fellowship for Experienced Researchers, Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, Germany.

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Published/Copyright: December 6, 2024
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Abstract

This paper examines the representation of child trafficking discourse in online interactions. Data for the study were part of a larger project corpus of 83,815 posts with 1,044,209 tokens collected between July 2023 and May 2024 using the Apify Twitter Scraper. The study adopted a mixed method of corpus-based methodologies and qualitative discourse analysis (QDA). SketchEngine was deployed to quantitatively analyse and track the occurrences of words around child trafficking, while insights drawn from Reisigl and Wodak’s (2009. “The Discourse-Historical Approach.” In Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis. 2nd ed., edited by Ruth Wodak, and Michael Meyer, 87–121. London: Sage) discursive strategies foreground the QDA. Findings reveal that child trafficking discourse manifests two discursive patterns: representation and construction. The former, which captures explicit and implicit depictions through predication and perspectivation strategies, reveals how child trafficking is negatively evaluated as a crisis, crime and evil, and the implicit portrayal of the act as a war. The construction of child trafficking as being downplayed, through intensification and predication strategies, relates to social protest and harsh criticism of the media and political officeholders, and as advocacy along the lines of social movements (e-activism) through hashtags. Thus, the study complements existing knowledge on children’s representation in social media, as online participants’ discourses reinforce awareness-raising, agitation and calls for action.

1 Introduction

Children are largely spoken for by social institutions and activists in traditional media from adult recipients’ perspective, although with some exceptions where children groups initiate advocacy campaigns mostly in the global north (Gergan and Curley 2021; Josefsson 2017) and few instances in the global south (South Africa in the Apartheid period) (Twum-Danso Imoh 2023). Childhood scholars have argued that children across the world face overwhelming challenges such as hunger, war and living in conflict zones, disrupted education, child labour and abuse, child mortality, child trafficking, and sex-related challenges (Buhre 2023; O’Keeffe and Clarke-Pearson 2011; Olajimbiti 2022; UNICEF 2023). These studies and many more have increasingly argued that creating more awareness on children’s plight based on the global challenges through traditional media and social media is significant to reducing crime against them (Kang 2016). This amplifies the power of media to frame social discourses, providing audiences with certain perspectives and interpretations of these issues (McCombs 2005; Weaver 2007). Such functions relate to the idea of representation, particularly how social issues affecting children are portrayed. Josefsson et al. (2023) broadly classify children’s representation into two perspectives. The first relates to how children as a group or child and childhood as a figure is portrayed or described. The second captures speaking or acting on behalf of children or children’s state of being as performative act (Holzscheiter 2016]). Certain studies fit into this secondary category, such as representation of children by formal and institutionalised structures (James 2007; Urbinati 2006), international organisations (Holzscheiter 2016; Howard 2017) and social media networks (Olajimbiti 2022; Saward 2020). This study benefits immensely from Howard’s (2017) study which focuses on child trafficking, youth labour mobility and politics of protection.

On a general note, previous studies on the representation of children (O’Keeffe and Clarke-Pearson 2011; Olajimbiti 2022; UNICEF 2016; Vlad 2017), which have largely focused on underrepresentation and negative portrayal of children, ethical issues in the representation of children on social media, and the impact of social media on children, have argued that the representation of children in the media is strategic and significant in raising social awareness of their plight. Despite these recommendations, there remains a need for more fine-grained linguistic analysis to examine how online participants use language to create awareness, amplify children’s concerns, and express social attitudes on child trafficking. This is the thrust of this study as it unpacks the construction of child trafficking discourse in online interactions. This is significant because how social media users employ linguistic devices to create awareness and amplify children’s concerns has hitherto received insufficient scholarly attention. Social media interactions which constitute parts of the focus of computer-mediated communication (Herring 2002) bifurcates into synchronous and asynchronous communication. Synchronous communication involves scheduled, real-time interactions by phone, video, or in person, while asynchronous communication happens independent of time and does not need scheduling. Locher (2010) avers that the use of language in computer-mediated communication is an important area of study that should be investigated.

In this connection, studies have acknowledged the roles of social media platforms as they embody social discourses, timely inform, and shape common-sense knowledge and advocacy campaigns on crime against children (Buhre 2023; Guha 2021]; Kang 2016). Social media is an umbrella term to explain the networking of communication and collaboration online (Friedland 2013). Unlike traditional media, social media platforms have little delay which allows them to break barriers of time and location and reach a large audience of followers fast (Brown, Babcock and Radu 2023; Dada and Olajimbiti 2021) and provide an open access to dialogue that is decentralised. In the context of this study, anti-child trafficking campaigns are mobilised on social media platforms such as Facebook and X (Twitter). Such campaigns like social movements, particularly the hashtag activism such as #Stopchildtrafficking, #Savechildrennow, #Endchildtrafficking, #OrphanageTrafficking on X (Twitter) have not been adequately studied. As much as social media platforms are helpful in awareness-raising and advocacy (child trafficking cyberactivism), they sometimes become a nuisance in news coverage as they circulate false unverifiable information (Guha 2021). This notwithstanding, individuals, political officeholders, groups and international organisations such as UN, ILO, UNICEF etc. are all visible on social media, and their discourses are receiving scholarly investigation. Some studies on children and online interactions have centred on the risks in the involvement of children in social media, how children communicate with each other online (Enhreneich et al. 2020; Kelly and Lorenzo-Dus 2024). Surprisingly, less is known about the systematic representation of child trafficking in online interactions, which if investigated is capable of unpacking how the phenomenon is generally described, the ideological positioning it manifests vis-à-vis the represented participants. To bridge this gap this study aims to:

  1. examine how words collocate in the corpus on child trafficking X interactions,

  2. determine the constructions that emanate from the corpus and

  3. identify the discourse participants represented and positioned in the corpus.

2 Trafficking and Child Trafficking

Trafficking of humans has been defined as ‘the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring, or receipt of persons by means of threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, abduction, fraud, deception, use of power or position of vulnerability or giving payments or benefits for control of another person’ (The UN Transnational Organized Crime Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons 2003]). Hence, the trafficking of humans – adults and children – has been identified as a criminal activity. Human traffickers engage in the activity of sexual exploitation, domestic servitude, and forced labour. Trafficking in human beings is an issue of concern for many international and national organisations, government and interest groups and human rights activists with political, social and economic consequences. Human trafficking constitutes a cruel deviation from societal norms; and this crime often results in both short- and long-term physical and psychological harm to its victims (Nkememena 2009; Osisanwo 2024a). Thus, following the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, human traffickers violate the fundamental rights to life, liberty, and security of persons; freedom of movement and residence; freedom from torture or cruel inhuman treatment or punishment; the right to an adequate standard of living; and freedom from slavery in all its forms. Different countries of the world have made attempts to curb the menace. For instance, the Nigerian government during the administration of former President Olusegun Obasanjo, established the National Agency for the Prohibition of Traffic in Persons and Other Related Matters, following the Trafficking in Persons (Prohibition) Enforcement and Administration Act of 2003. Osisanwo (2024a) is one of the few corpus-driven linguistic studies on human trafficking. However, the study is not focused on child trafficking, which is the central concern of the current study.

Traffickers do not spare children; they engage children in trafficking. Child trafficking is the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of a person who is not up to 18 for the purpose of exploitation. Child trafficking is an abomination that directly affects an estimated 1.2 million children at any given Time (ILO 2005). It has been classified by ILO Convention No. 182 as the worst form of child labour to be eliminated as a matter of urgency, irrespective of a country’s level of development. Child trafficking involves exploiting children in mining or in fisheries, into the militia and armed gangs in conflict zones, and using girls for domestic (and sex) labour. Most times, traffickers take advantage of the economic situation of children. Driven by poverty and other underlying factors, therefore, many children are moved away from their homes and are exploited in the informal economy, where they are even more difficult to trace and at risk of many forms of violence. ‘Criminal networks and individuals exploit children in begging, street hawking, and other activities. Some children are exploited as drug couriers or dealers or in petty crime such as pickpocketing’ (UNICEF 2016, 4). Child trafficking involves engaging children in activities that are dangerous to their health, safety, and morals. Trafficking in children is a violation of many rights promised to children by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and other international laws, including their rights to be protected from exploitation. The top five countries of origin for trafficking victims were Nigeria, Vietnam, Albania, Romania, and China (US Department of State 2012). Nigeria had the highest number of people living in “modern slavery” in Africa (Global Slavery Index 2013). When a government, therefore, fails to gift children and adults the required protection from child traffickers, the government is blamed and perceived as an accomplice. This informs the views often expressed in the media (traditional and social) on trafficking of humans, and children as the central focus in the current study.

The social media platform chosen for this study is X (Twitter) as it is arguably the most common platform for its users’ profile and interface (Buhre 2023). Historically, Twitter was developed in 2006 and changed to X in July 2023. It allows users to post messages to the general internet or to a set of users who subscribe to a user’s message “stream” known as followers (Zappavigna 2012, 11). The micro posts are otherwise known as tweets which are usually made public and searchable unless the user actively makes their account private. Zappavigna further stresses that “Twitter collects supplementary metadata about a tweet, such as the time it was generated, the ID of the user to which the tweet was directed (if applicable) and information about the user’s account, including the number of followers and the number of tweets the user has posted”. Participants on social media, especially X-users usually engage the platform to advocate for the rights of the children and contribute their quota to ending the surge of child trafficking. Therefore, the discourses of these participants about child trafficking are analysed in this study.

3 Data, Methodology and Theory

Data for the study were part of a larger project corpus of 83,815 posts with 1,044,209 tokens collected between July 2023 and May 2024 using the Apify Twitter Scraper. Apify Twitter Scraper is a software that searches and extracts data from Twitter (with historic data from 2006), parses and converts the data to structured formats: HTML table, JSON, CSV, Excel and XML. Items such as “children across the world”, “children representation”, “children as victim”, “children and trafficking”, and “children and rape” were inputted as search terms which the software scraps every time is it mandated. Therefore, data were gradually collected during the stated period to form a corpus. These include posts, reactionary posts (as comments), and recirculated posts on interactions about children. Since the current study is a part of the large corpus retrieved on children in general, only child trafficking-related interactions, extracted from the large corpus, were used for this study. These include 6,536 tweets which primarily reflect the social realities in the United States, United Kingdom, Ukraine, Nigeria and other countries across the world. Our intention in this study is to unpack child trafficking online interactions across the world. Since corpus linguistics is based on statistical methods as well as linguistic theory, the study adopted a mixed method of corpus-based methodologies and qualitative discourse analysis (QDA). For the corpus aspect, SketchEngine was deployed to quantitatively analyse the corpus, to track the occurrences of words in order to define the constructions around child trafficking. Insights were drawn from Reisigl and Wodak’s (2009) discursive strategies to handle the QDA section which explores the multifarious issues, manifestations, and represented participants in the corpus. The framework comprises five primary discursive tools: Reference/Nomination, Predication, Perspectivisation, Argumentation, and Intensification/Mitigation. The referential/nomination strategies deal with the use of referring expressions to typically construct in-groups or out-groups or the participants represented in discourse. Deictics (person, place and time), anthroponyms (personal names), metaphors and other tools are deployed by writers to achieve their objectives. The predication strategy focuses on the attributes assigned to persons represented in the discourse. It involves using positive or negative attributes to describe the referents, based on the writer’s or speaker’s perception. Predication strategies assign (positive or negative) evaluations and attributions to the constructed individuals or actions and they can be realised linguistically via stereotypes, evaluative adjectives, appositions and clauses. Perspectivisation strategies refer to speakers’ involvement and how they position their points of view, for example, through narrating, describing, reporting, and so on. Such a position could be to express involvement or distance as evident through the use of positive Self-representation and negative Other-presentation. Argumentation strategies refer to the use of justification of positive or negative attributions through topoi, and can be constructed through different techniques. Intensification/Mitigation refers to the illocutionary force and the epistemic/deontic status of utterances. Also, aspects of appraisal framework and speech acts were found useful at some points in the analysis.

4 Analysis and Findings

The analysis and findings are organised under three sub-sections: corpus findings, discursive patterns of child trafficking in online interactions and represented participants.

4.1 Corpus Findings

Keywords or wordlists mirror the content of a text, giving a general idea of the focus explored in the text (Baker 2006). Table 1 presents the keywords in the corpus on child trafficking. The corpus reveals two discursive patterns of child trafficking, namely representation and construction. This is further interrogated in the course of this study. For space, only the first 50 keywords in the data set were obtained. The keywords in Table 1 are ranked in terms of their keyness (or relative frequency focus) score.

Table 1:

Keywords from the corpus.

S/n Keywords Frequency (focus) Frequency (reference) Relative frequency (focus)
1 child 13,734 28,908,540 35,042.14844
2 trafficking 9,544 544,338 24,351.41016
3 sex 2,891 4,100,604 7,376.35498
4 border 1,958 3,893,232 4,995.81543
5 biden 1,210 1,007,376 3,087.30176
6 traffick 1,150 20,012 2,934.2124
7 rape 992 1,231,487 2,531.07715
8 illegal 736 2,183,677 1,877.896
9 cartel 377 224,676 961.91138
10 pedophile 329 76,162 839.43988
11 epstein 299 143,110 762.8952
12 kamala 296 67,110 755.24078
13 fentanyl 285 61,000 727.17438
14 migrant 283 869,151 722.07141
15 slavery 269 728,487 686.35052
16 pedo 211 7,855 538.3642
17 pedophilia 169 35,298 431.20166
18 unaccompanied 128 66,727 326.59061
19 czar 120 75,168 306.17868
20 satanic 114 116,807 290.86975
21 whistleblower 114 177,655 290.86975
22 trafficker 113 95,101 288.31827
23 rapist 113 121,133 288.31827
24 disgusting 99 225,834 252.59741
25 harvesting 97 254,370 247.49443
26 boarder 96 75,575 244.94295
27 hhs 95 130,017 242.39146
28 kidnapping 94 199,467 239.83997
29 mutilation 92 70,220 234.737
30 treason 91 168,882 232.1855
31 adrenochrome 90 1,386 229.63402
32 complicit 84 79,473 214.32507
33 prostitution 84 202,647 214.32507
34 mutilate 74 77,745 188.8102
35 sexualization 67 5,833 170.94977
36 globalist 59 56,698 150.53786
37 pervert 59 113,209 150.53786
38 molest 54 85,277 137.78041
39 mayorkas 47 6,521 119.91998
40 unvetted 44 2,236 112.26552
41 kamal 44 72,706 112.26552
42 taxpayer-funded 36 19,144 91.85361
43 pedos 35 245 89.30212
44 unaccounted 34 29,094 86.75063
45 lazzaro 31 4,703 79.09616
46 bidenflation 29 36 73.99318
47 government-sponsored 29 23,564 73.99318
48 maga 29 28,549 73.99318
49 pedophiles 28 2,023 71.4417
50 ghislaine 28 7,064 71.4417

Following approaches deployed in extant studies (Ancarno 2020; Marchi 2010; Osisanwo 2024a, 2024b), to understand how the collocates contributed to representations, we used the grammatical relationship to examine collocational patterns, using nomination, predication choices, perspectivisation and intensification strategies (Reisigl and Wodak 2009). Tables 24 display the different levels and ways that words collocate with child trafficking. The words that most significantly collocate with child trafficking in the corpus, with a minimum LogDice/score of 10.00 are “sex” with a LogDice/score of 11.79, and “child” with a LogDice/score of 10.3. Others are pedophilia (11.02), crime (10.56), exploitation (10.52), predators (10.09), Epstein (10.09), and gang (10.05). Some other relevant words return scores below 10.00. The different words collocate with child trafficking to define form/manifestation, represented participants and positioning in the constructions and representations of child trafficking.

Table 2:

Modifiers of child trafficking.

Collocate LogDice (score)
Sex 11.79
Child 10.3
Exempt 9.13
Human 9.09
Pedophilia 8.66
Drug 8.45
PEDOS 8.14
Predators 8.14
#RestInPeace 8.14
Taxpayer-funded 8.14
Government-sponsored 8.14
Treason 8.11
Profit 8.11
Rampant 8.11
Lover 8.08
@GavinNewsom 8.08
Democrat 8.08
Pedophilia 8.08
Worldwide 8.07
Gov 8.07
@WhiteHouse 8.07
#SaveTheChildrenWorldWide 8.03
Kidnapping 8.01
Labor 8.01
Member 7.94
End 7.94
SA 7.92
Crime 7.85
Drug 7.68
Ukrainian 7.45
Human 3.96
Table 3:

Nouns modified by child trafficking.

Collocate LogDice score
Invasion 11.94
Cartel 11.3
Homelessness 11.3
Ring 10.16
Harvesting 10.09
Exploitation 10.05
Foundation 9.97
Invasion 9.61
Rape 9.48
Epicentre 9.16
Homelessness 9.16
Market 8.96
Exploitation 8.96
Murder 8.62
Crisis 8.77
Child 7.83
Victim 7.79
System 7.08
Table 4:

Other collocates of child trafficking.

Collocate LogDice score
Invasion 11.54
Pedophilia 11.02
Crime 10.56
Exploitation 10.52
Preditors 10.09
Epstein 10.09
Pediphilia 10.05
Gang 10.05
Ring 10.00
Treason 9.96
Labor 9.96
Harassment 9.87
Cartel 9.87
Homelessness 9.87
Harvesting 9.87
Assault 9.68
Crime 9.56
Pedophilia 9.51
Exploitation 9.48
Abortion 9.39
Prostitution 9.38
Homelessness 9.35
Organ 9.35
Kidnapping 9.17
Abortion 9.16
Sex 9.14
Violence 9.09
Rape 8.42
Member 7.87
Child 7.2

Figure 1 shows the contextual usage of “child trafficking” and displays its co-occurrence with other words to describe the representations and constructions around child trafficking.

Figure 1: 
Concordance shot showing the contextual usage of CHILD TRAFFICKING.
Figure 1:

Concordance shot showing the contextual usage of CHILD TRAFFICKING.

4.2 Discursive Patterns of child Trafficking in Online Interactions

Two discursive patterns of child trafficking are identified in the dataset, namely representation and construction. While the former captures how the phenomenon is described by online participants based on their perceptions through perspectivation strategy, the latter reflects what is said about child trafficking and mirrors their opinions and attitudes through nomination, predication, and intensification strategies. These are analysed in turn.

4.2.1 Discursive Pattern of Representation of Child Trafficking

The phenomenon of child trafficking is discursively portrayed in online interactions as indicated in the corpus findings in 4.1, particularly the keywords, as illegal (frequency focus-FF: 736), slavery (FF: 269), satanic (FF: 114), disgusting (FF: 99), treason (FF: 91), others include crime, crisis, evil, horror, war, killer, exploitation, and conspiracy. Posts in this category show emotional reactions of the post-writers in the form of personal perceptions when describing the state-of-affairs about child trafficking. These representations are contextually categorised into explicit and implicit concepts based on their discourse content.

  1. Explicit representation of Child trafficking

This relates to the overt descriptions of child trafficking in posts reflecting the attitudinal stance of post-writers. In this case, the phenomenon is described as crime with the LogDice/score −10.56, crisis showing LogDice/score –8.77, indicating how child trafficking is represented as evil. These explicit descriptions, which evoke emotions, illustrate the discursive strategy of predication, specifically the evaluative attributions of negative values in the way online participants express moral judgments about the act and the perpetrators. These are illustrated in the following examples.

  1. You ever heard the Left talk about the child trafficking crisis?

  2. And END Child Trafficking. Please demand this from elected officials. World’s 2nd largest Criminal enterprise at $100 Billion (with a B) just inside the

  3. Slavery is wicked. Child trafficking is evil. Zero tolerance for predators of children.

The predication strategy – attributes assigned to persons represented in the discourse – is deployed in Sample 1 where child trafficking is described as a “crisis”, a negative evaluation attribute, which inferentially connotes a dangerous situation that requires urgent attention. The contextual background of the post reflects a political stance with the illocutionary force of criticising (loosely) left-wing politicians who are allegedly accused of not speaking out against child trafficking. The portrayal of child trafficking as a crisis, that has not caught the attention of left-wing political office holders, therefore suggests that the tweet evaluates their silence as pro-child trafficking. Also, the interrogative structure of the post instead of assertion indicates the deployment of intensification strategy as it illustrates indirect speech act of criticising their silence on the child trafficking crisis. Other instances (posts) in the dataset that depict the phenomenon as a crisis largely reflect criticism of the silence and support by the political leaders. Similarly, Sample 2, in which child trafficking is captured as the “world’s 2nd largest criminal enterprise” illustrates how the post-writer deploys predication strategy, the discursive qualification through the evaluative attribution of a negative value to the act as a crime. This description, which underscores the negative attitudinal tone of the post-writer, contextualises the functional weighting of the use of “END” and “demand”, indicating how people are being sensitised to curb the crime by calling on elected representatives to address it. In Sample 3, the phenomenon is depicted as evil, indicating a negative moral judgment of the perpetrators. The background check of the post, which reveals that it is a metacommentary of a multimodal text with the inscription “end human trafficking by ending human traffickers” provides the discourse context to decipher the use of “evil” and “zero tolerance for predators of children”.

  1. Implicit representation of child trafficking as war

In posts in this category, child trafficking is indirectly depicted as war. This metaphorical representation not only captures the impact of child trafficking on children and society, but also highlights the seriousness of the act which requires determined and organised efforts to combat. In this context, the phenomenon is described as what wreaks serious havoc such as “heartbreak” in Sample 5, “horror/horrific” in Sample 6, “killer” in Sample 7 and enemy of children. Findings reveal that post-writers express their personal opinions and attitudes through perspectivisation strategy, particularly through metaphors, when portraying child trafficking on Twitter.

  1. @…When is he good #IsraelPalestineWar, #UkraineRussianWar, #CongoWar #PovertyWar, #InjusticeWar, #HungerWar, #UnemploymentWar, #ChildTraffickingWar, #AparthiedIsrael, #WhiteSupremacy, #Racism, #GBV When exactly is he good

  2. The Heartbreaking Reality of Child Trafficking at Our Borders

  3. @… It’s always been about The Children…The horrific Human & Child Trafficking is what we should be discussing

  4. @… @… Child Trafficking is number one killer of Children

Sample 4 represents how online participants discursively describe child trafficking as a war similar to the war between Israel and Palestine, Ukraine and Russian, or the Congo war. These wars are about weapons and bloodshed, unlike the ideological wars such as white supremacy and racism, and social wars such as poverty, injustice, hunger, unemployment and child trafficking about things that directly affect people. The contextual background of this post shows that it is a comment to a post about the ongoing war between Israel and Palestine and its impact on children. Through perspectivisation strategy the post-writer extends the semantic mapping of war to metaphorically describe child trafficking from the perspective of war. Sample 7 utilises the trope of metaphor in describing child trafficking as a killer. Here, the child trafficking as an act is evaluated with a negative frame, “killer”, thereby describing it as an actor that is claiming the lives of children. In the same vein, certain linguistic terms such as “child trafficking network”, “rings”, “epicenter”, and “operation” are used to represent the system of child trafficking, thereby reifying the physical experience of war that claims the lives of children.

4.2.2 Discursive Pattern of the Construction of Child Trafficking

Child trafficking is systematically constructed in the dataset as downplay and advocacy.

4.2.2.1 Construction of Child Trafficking as Downplay

Largely, online participants construct child trafficking as being downplayed by the media and political office holders, thereby criticising these represented social actors and creating further awareness of the act. Posts in this category represent social protest against a lesser representation of the phenomenon, as online participants express opinions, views and concerns. Intensification and predication strategies are predominantly deployed to criticise and advocate for children. These are illustrated in the examples 8–10.

  1. “Annually, over 800,000 children go missing in the United States and 8 Million worldwide due to child trafficking. Why is there no media hysteria? #SaveTheChildrenWorldWide”

  2. @…The democratic party is the party trying to normalise pedophiles, downplays child sex trafficking, supports abortion up until birth, promotes chemically castration children without parental consent.

  3. @… @… @… Never forget. Child trafficking for sex and organs going on all over the world, in and across the US border. Don’t get caught up in single case. Literally, 10s of thousands of children are paying the price every day…and the media has you focused on Vince McMahon?! WTF?!

In Sample 8, the media are criticised for not reporting sufficiently on cases of child trafficking. With the deployment of intensification strategy, the post expresses overtly epistemic information about the number of children missing dues to child trafficking in the United States and around the world. The illocutionary force of the X-user, which reinforces the downplay of child trafficking news through the indirect speech act of questing “why is there no media hysteria?”, suggests an implicit condemnation of the media and the creation of awareness of the phenomenon and its impact on children. Typical of most information on social media whose veracity is questionable, background checks on the tweet show that the post-writer references “Child Watch of North America” which estimates that 800,000 children are reported missing each year (https://childwatch.org/statistics/). This seems to have necessitated the attitudinal tone illustrated by the contextual use of “hysteria” which captures the X-user’s dissatisfaction that there is less media coverage of child trafficking. Hence, the hashtag: “#SaveTheChildrenWorldWide” which represents a form of e-activism for children. Furthermore, the discursive qualification of social actors is deployed in Sample 9, where a political party in power is criticised for trying to downplay child sex trafficking and other forms of crimes against children. In this case, the predication strategy is employed as negative attributes are ascribed to the Democratic Party in relation to certain activities “trying to normalise pedophiles”, “downplays child sex trafficking”, “supports abortion” and “promotes chemical castration of children”. Also, Sample 10 spotlights on the complicity of the media, which focuses too much on entertainment news while neglecting cases of child trafficking. Through argumentation, the tweet discursively highlights two claims about child trafficking, illustrating an illocutionary act of reminding accentuated in “never forget”, that the media should report on. The first claim is that child trafficking is practiced around the world for sex and organ harvesting, and that thousands of children are victims every day. These content-related claims privilege the X-user’s criticism of individuals whose attention is focused on “Vince McMahon?! WTF?” by the media. These posts represent the discursive construction of child trafficking as downplay in the dataset.

4.2.2.2 Construction of Child Trafficking as Advocacy

Posts in this category represent a discursive protest by creating social awareness of child trafficking and calling for action to end it. Like social movements referred to as e-activism, digital activism, cyberactivism (Holgado-Ruiz, Saura, and Herraez 2023; Joyce 2010), the sampled posts express negative attitudes, opinions, experiences and strong criticism of individuals and groups (traffickers and supporters) and contain recommendations to change the phenomenon around the world as they are intentionally hashtagged #StopChildTrafficking, #SaveTheChildrenWorldWide, #OrphanageTrafficking, #SaveOurChildren, #Awareness, #Help etc. With these discourse constructs, X-users reveal their anti-child trafficking perspective.

  1. “As a mother, this keeps me up at night and I know I’m not alone. We must secure our border. We must stop child trafficking. We must protect the children.”

  2. We have to arm our children more than ever to protect them against groomers, abusers and abductors. Work to make a better world for them!! Stop the global, child trafficking network at its source. #occupythegetty #StopChildTraffickingWorldWide

  3. Pls join this campaign to #StopChildTrafficking //unicef.org.uk/stopchildtrafficking children trafficked every week in the UK

Sample 11 expresses the psychological trauma of the X-user and signals what concerned mothers might experience as a result of child trafficking. Through membership categorisation devices such as the deictic elements “we” and “our” indexing concerned members of the community and mothers, the post extrapolates the traumatic feelings and calls for measures to stop the act. The deontic modal “must” imposes the obligations of “secure border”, “stop child trafficking” and “protect the children” on the implied represented participants. In this case, the contextual use of the deontic action verbs “stop” and “protect” illustrates advocacy in calling for actions to curb the phenomenon of child trafficking in the interest of children. As a comment to a post with hashtag #occupythegetty, which echoes a discourse about a documentary film on children being trafficked into brothels or sold for organ transplants, Sample 12 represents a social protest as it expresses concern for children and how they can be protected from abductors. In this context, the discursive strategies of nomination and predication are deployed to construct advocacy to end the global child trafficking. The indexical elements “we” and “our church”, indicating membership categorisation of concerned members of the society who are against child trafficking, illustrate nomination. Negative evaluative attributions of “groomers”, “abusers” and “abductors” in contrast to “our children” exemplify predication strategy. While the intention of the documentary producer can be implied to raise awareness on the existence and strategies of child trafficking, the post aligns with this goal by advocating for an end to the act. The directive structure “stop…” and the hashtag captions demonstrate the construction of advocacy against child trafficking in the world and show the X-user’s agitation and protest. Sample 13 represents how online participants use language to call other people to action with the intention of reversing the trend of child trafficking. The X-user deploys argumentation by using content-related claim “10 children trafficked every week in the UK” to persuade online community to join the campaign #StopChildTrafficking. In this context, the nominal element “campaign” denotes the position of the writer and a form of advocacy to effect social change about child trafficking illustrated by the hashtag.

4.3 Represented Participants

The data reveals the involvement of different participants categorised as individual, group, society and institution. The represented participants directly identify, name or label persons involved in child trafficking as revealed in the data corpus. The analysis of the collocates reveals thirteen words that function as subject to child trafficking. The positioning of such words as subject nominates them as active agents in the child trafficking issue. We turn to consider the formation under the different categories.

4.3.1 Individual

Online participants deploy different discursive tools like nomination, predication and perspectivisation to express their opinions. In Sample 14, the writer deploys anthroponyms, that is, the use of personal names to unveil the identities of individuals referenced in the discourse. The individual – Prince Andrew – is identified and nominated as a child abuser. The writer deploys apposition as a nomination strategy to establish the connection between Prince Andrew and Jeffrey Epstein. Andrew is described as a close associate ‘close pal’ of Jeffrey Epstein, a notorious sex abuser who lives in a 75-acre private paradise in the US Virgin Islands. Epstein, with a LogDice score of 10.09 on Table 4, is one of the ranked collocates of child trafficking in the corpus. For protection, the identities of the victims are veiled while their gender and ages are revealed for authentication. The writer also deployed another nomination sub-strategy – toponym – to indicate the destination of the dastardly act “a nightclub in Kyiv, Ukraine.” The represented individuals, including Ukrainians with a LogDice score of 7.45 in Table 2, are fingered as accomplices in the mutilation of children or trafficking of children.

  1. Jeffrey Epstein’s close pal, Prince Andrew, has been accused of sexually abusing two children – a 10-year-old boy and a 12-year-old girl – at a nightclub in Kyiv, Ukraine earlier this year. A witness said he left the kids in critical condition

  2. @SaraCarterDC We need to move all these freaks to Jeffery Epstein’s Island to get them away from our children! #Sickfreaks

The rendition in Sample 15 shares an affinity with 14 with reference to the individual, Jeffrey Epstein. The notoriety of Epstein, and his island, has resulted in the creation of a distinct identity for the Island. Thus, anthroponym here does not only refer to the human individuals associated with the atrocity but with the destination where the atrocious act resides “Jeffery Epstein’s Island” as a possession or collocational item to the prominent sex abuser. In addition, the writer in Sample 15 deploys the deictic referents “we” and “them” as referential/nomination strategies to typically construct in-groups or out-groups between the participants represented in the discourse. The view that deixis entails ‘spatio-temporal context and subjective experience of the encoder of an utterance’ (Green 2006, 178) emphasises the issue of authorial perception. The identified referring deictic elements “we” and “them” show the distance between the referents and the writer. The in-group or out-group construct involves the use of perspectivisation strategy to display positioning, distancing the writer from the atrocious act. It also groups the culprits together under the out-group identity. This ideological polarisation depicts the writer’s use of positive self-representation and negative other-presentation. The negative representation of the other with the deployment of a predication strategy, using the negative evaluative term “freaks” also emphasises the bad in the other; the Other is bad and should be relocated from a space that draws them close to innocent children. The ensuing position is condemnation. The identified individuals are condemned by the X-user to lampoon and condemn their activities and forestall the proliferation of child trafficking across the labelled destinations.

4.3.2 Group

X-users also deploy different discourse tools to identify or assign roles to different groups believed to be involved in the trafficking of children. The groups of people who are nominated as child traffickers are “Nigerian gangs,” “Marxists,” “paedophiles,” “Clintons,” and “Jewish Overlords.” The Sketch Engine collocation analysis ranked them as subject of child trafficking on Table 4 in the order: pedophiles (11.02), gang (10.05), Clintons, and so forth. In Sample 16, “Nigerian gang” is activated as a group of people involved in child trafficking. The writer deploys toponym to indicate the destination where the victims are relocated. The rendition places the children as the object of trafficking, while ‘sex’ is stated as the purpose. The identified structures and discursive tools are deployed in other samples.

  1. Nigerian gangs trafficking children into Ireland for sex #ireland #policing #immigration

  2. “BREAKING NEWS: THE BREAKING NEWS IS THAT IT’S NOT BREAKING NEWS THAT BILL & HILLARY CLINTON ARE BOTH PEDOPHILES WHO ARE TRAFFICKING CHILDREN VIA THE CLINTON FOUNDATION!”

  3. On August 3, 1977, Cathy O’Brien testified to the 95th U.S. Congress to accuse Hillary Clinton of rape, and that she was a sex slave for Hillary and Bill Clinton ‘who are bisexuals’ affiliated in an elite sex trafficking ring that abuse and purchase and sacrifice children. How many more innocent children must die at the hands of these mentally ill transgenders?

Samples 17 and 18 use unprecedented anthroponyms, identifying and nominating a former US leader and wife (Bill and Hillary Clinton) as aiders and abettors in child trafficking. The rendition of their names in full – Bill Clinton and Hillary Clinton – specifies their distinct identities. The allegation is quite appalling that Bill, a former US President, and Hillary Clinton, a former US Senator could be so described and nominated. The overarching presence of their names in our corpus is not only suggestive, but also an attempt by X-users to validate and authenticate the claim. The writer in Sample 17 further implicates their foundation “Clinton Foundation” as the location or passage through which the atrocious act permeates. The use of referential strategy with temporal specification in Sample E periodises and validates the claim that the Clintons are paedophiles. The interrogative structure uses the positive adjective “innocent” to qualify children and a negative adjective “mentally ill” to qualify the culprits. This predicative strategy doubles as perspectivisation to depict the writer’s perception of the traffickers.

  1. Marxists hate the nuclear family. That’s why they love abortions, promote child mutilation, gender confusion, and obviously pedophilia. They’re trafficking children and humans at the border, intentionally. Child trafficking is? Where’s the 100k plus missing children? You know the ones you are responsible for since you illegitimate reprobates took office on January 20 2021!!!

In Sample 19, the writer activates Marxists as promoters of child trafficking through love for abortions, child mutilation, gender confusion and paedophilic tendencies. The writer deploys the deictic referent “they” to implicate the Marxists as a group of people who traffick children across borders. The mention of a huge figure “100k” – one hundred – is an evidential invitation to readers to pity children as victims. The deictic person reference “you” and temporal reference “January 20, 2021” unveils the Marxist identity – the Joe Biden government. The qualification of the Marxist in question as an “illegitimate reprobate” unveils the writer’s ideological position by negatively evaluating the represented participant. The rendition unveils a major ideological slant which associates democrats with child trafficking due to their non-stringent rules and enforcement of child protection laws. The naming of the selected US leaders and their association with child trafficking seem to protest their ineffective policies on child protection and project their inadvertent or insufficient security during or after their administration. Such claims, thus, associate them with aiding child trafficking offenders to permeate their anti-children atrocious behaviours.

4.3.3 Society

X-users implicate societal categories in child trafficking. The three categories of societal classifications so implicated, using different discourse tools are family, people and country.

  1. @Thekeksociety My parents trafficked me to the members of their freemason satanic cult from infancy to age 15. I have many flashbacks that are similar to the images in this movie. Satanic ritual abuse is real and happening in every town and city around the world Pray for the children to be rescued.

  2. Is that why Russia is under investigation by the ICC for trafficking Ukrainian children? And Russia is the 2nd largest producer of child pornography?

  3. We will never forgive Hamas for what they did to our children. Never.

The writer in Sample 20 boldly and convincingly nominates their parents as a major player in child trafficking, having trafficked them at the age of 15. This is an attack on family life and relationship. The deictic choices “their” and “I” which are possessive and personal pronouns reveal the relational identities of the person described. The deployment of toponyms described in “every town and city around the world” underscores the collective involvement of persons and places across the globe as accomplices. The negative adjectives, which are tools of predication strategy, negatively portray the other in the discourse. Sample 21 is an interrogative structure which attacks the Russian government and activates the same as a culprit in the trafficking spree that is being meted out to innocent children. The reference to the ICC investigation of Russia brings in some sense of authentication or believability in the claim’s veracity. The second statement is an outright attack on Russia’s sense of responsibility. The destination countries – Russia and Ukraine – have been at war for over a year. The rendition tends to question the need to punish children for the ongoing war between the two nations. Russia is attacked and identified as an interloper which meddles in the freedom of children. Sample 22 directly attacks Hamas for its role in the dastardly act meted out to children. The sample deploys the perspectivisation strategy to depict a polarisation between “we” and “them.” The polarisation heightens an anti-Hamas ideology where the writer implicates Hamas for holding a role in benefitting from the vulnerability of children, especially in the war duel between Israel and Hamas as child destroyers or traffickers. The ensuing positionings in relation to society are blaming, condemnation and anti-Hamas, as shown in the example analysed. However, some other samples demonstrated pro-Hamas and anti-Israeli.

4.3.4 Institution

Institutions are identified and labelled as participants in child trafficking. Some of the institutions which collocate with child trafficking at the subjective position include HHA, CIA, Schools, and the Clinton Foundation, among others. In Sample 23, the pronominal “our” which possessivises “school” and “children” depicts the writer’s affinity with the context. However, while the first “our school” is nominated as the offender/trafficker, the second “our children” is portrayed as the receiver of the attack. Thus, the writer portrays his disappointment in the school system which violates its expectation as a safe haven to hell, while the portrayal of “our children” is accompanied by a sense of pity. The purported trafficking destination “US military” is also an attack, a disappointment on the United States military apparatus. Sample 23 identify and label the United States of America as a child trafficker. The repeated negative representations of the USA as a country and its government as an institution call for the need to self-check its institutional policies on children, and it is an invitation to the government to do more in the area of child protection.

  1. OUR SCHOOLS ARE TRAFFICKING OUR CHILDREN TO THE U.S. MILITARY”

  2. I’m having a feeling that Churches are trafficking in children & I’m wondering about churches connected in other countries, like Russia, that are trafficking Ukrainian children.

Sample 24 is more like profanation or a statement of heresy, where a supposedly saintly institution is tainted and dented as a culprit in the trafficking saga. The sample deploys the perspectivisation strategy to negatively represent the church as a religious institution which participates in child victimisation through trafficking.

5 Discussion of Findings and Concluding Remarks

In the foregoing, we have analysed the representation of child trafficking in X interactions, focusing on the manifestation of the act, the ideological perspective of the online participants and the represented participants. The manifestation of child trafficking in the corpus reflects two discursive patterns: representation and construction. The former, which captures explicit and implicit depictions through predication and perspectivation strategies, reveals how child trafficking is explicitly and negatively evaluated as a crisis, crime and evil, indicating how online participants express moral judgements about the act and the perceived perpetrators. The implicit portrayal of the act as a war highlights the impact of child trafficking on children and society and harps on why determined and organised efforts are needed to combat it. Child trafficking is discursively constructed as downplay and advocacy. The construction of child trafficking as being downplayed, through intensification and predication strategies, relates to social protest and strong criticism of the media and political officeholders. The online discourse on child trafficking is constructed as advocacy along the lines of social movements (e-activism). In this case, negative attitudes, harsh criticism and calls for action are expressed in posts through hashtags.

These patterns of representation and construction unveil the illocutionary goals of condemning the act, blaming the represented participants who are mostly individuals, groups and institutions, and advocating for the protection of children. In this context, the X-users articulate their positions and negatively position the perceived perpetrators and accomplices through perspectivisation strategy. This ideological polarisation shows the writers’ use of positive self-representation (anti-child trafficking/ers) and negative other-presentation (pro-child trafficking/ers). The foregoing implicitly consolidates the victimisation of children and evokes shared ideological beliefs of anti- and pro-child trafficking (Baker 2006) ideologies as they indicate the nuances of the reality of child trafficking (Howard 2017) and attitudes towards the harsh, dangerous and immoral situations children are subjected to. The representation of children as victims is consistent with Jewkes’s (2004) position that such depiction evokes sympathy, with Vlad (2017) and UNICEF (2023) that children are represented in negative news, and with the active involvement of concerned individuals taking on the role of activists in the online community due to the affordances of social media technologies (Zappavigna 2012). In this way, the findings show that individuals, specifically X-users, are raising awareness on child trafficking across the world. Thus, the study complements existing knowledge on children’s representation in social media, as it provides insights into the representation of children as victims of child trafficking by online participants whose discourses reinforce awareness-raising, agitation and calls for action in this regard. In terms of policy implications, policymakers and other institutions saddled with responsibilities of children’s protection and wellbeing can gain insight into what is said and perpetrators of child trafficking in the online community. The deployment of both corpus and QDA methodologies in tracking the online discourse on child trafficking makes the study unique with asynchronous data. Despite these strengths, the limitation of the study lies in the data collection method that is limited to X (Twitter) alone. Future studies can attempt to focus on other social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram, to obtain more robust discussions and focused linguistic patterns through corpus methodologies to validate the veracity of online participants’ claims about child trafficking.


Corresponding author: Ayo Osisanwo, Leuphana University, Luneburg, Germany; and University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria, E-mail: 

About the authors

Ezekiel Olajimbiti

Ezekiel Olajimbiti lectures in the Department of English and Literary Studie, Federal University Lokoja, Nigeria. He has authored a considerable number of articles published in international journals, including Discourse Studies, Languages, Journal of Media Research, Journal for Discourse Studies, Language and Semiotic Studies, Africology: The Journal of Pan African Studies among others. He has chapter contributions to some books. Dr. Olajimbiti is a fellow of the George Forster Fellowship, Alexander von Humboldt Foundation Germany.

Ayo Osisanwo

Ayo Osisanwo is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of English, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. His articles have appeared in international journals, including Discourse & Society, Discourse and Communication, Critical Discourse Studies, Critical Terrorism Studies, Language Matters, African Identity, Sexuality & Culture, Journal of Forensic Psychology Research and Practice, Journal of Asian and African Studies, Corpus-Based Studies Across Humanities, Language and Semiotic Studies, Comedy Studies, Howard Journal of Communications, European Journal of Humour Research, Athens Journal of Mass Media and Communication, World Journal of English Language, Journal of Arts and Design Studies, Journal of Linguistic Association of Nigeria, Working Papers: Journal of English Studies, Ibadan Journal of Humanistic Studies, Ibadan Journal of English Studies, Papers in English Linguistics, Ife Studies in English Linguistics, among others. He has also authored, contributed to and co-edited some books. He is a Postdoctoral Fellow of the African Humanities Programme (AHP) of the American Council of Learned Societies (ACLS), New York, USA. He is a 2020 Grantee, Remote-mentorship, African Humanities Program (AHP) of the American Council of Learned Societies (ACLS), Department of Linguistics, University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania; and a Fellow of the Georg Forster Fellowship for Experienced Researchers, Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, Germany.

Acknowledgments

The authors are grateful to the blind reviewers of this paper for their invaluable comments.

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Received: 2024-09-09
Accepted: 2024-11-10
Published Online: 2024-12-06
Published in Print: 2024-11-25

© 2024 the author(s), published by De Gruyter on behalf of Shanghai International Studies University

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

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