Home Linguistics & Semiotics 32 Non-verbal predication in Ngumpin-Yapa languages (Australia)
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32 Non-verbal predication in Ngumpin-Yapa languages (Australia)

  • Tom Ennever and Alice Gaby
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Abstract

This chapter describes the morphosyntax and semantics of non-verbal predication in languages of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup of the Pama-Nyungan family (Australia). All languages within the subgroup exhibit flexibility between the use of a copula construction alongside a simple juxtaposition strategy for non-verbal predication. Even at the level of a closely related subgroup, we find substantial structural and semantic variation in this construction type. In terms of the formal properties of the construction, some languages of the group utilise a single polyfunctional verb in copula function while others may use multiple different polyfunctional verbal forms in unique copula functions. Our study also reveals variable utilisation of members of a class of “coverbs” as possible predicational heads; while all languages possess coverbs, not all extend independent predicational functions to such lexemes as a permissible type of “non-verbal” predication. Another structural point of divergence is that, while most Ngumpin-Yapa languages exhibit clear parallels between verbal and non-verbal predication in terms of argument registration, at least Warlpiri, Gurindji and Mudburra show marked asymmetries, either permitting enclitic pronouns (obligatory in verbal clauses) to be omitted or to be encliticised to a different clausal constituent. Finally, we also find evidence of a broad semantic range non-verbal predications (including familiar categories such as locational and possessive) but also more specific and typologically unique predications (including purposive, comparative and ecological zone). In all languages, the semantic diversity attested is primarily made by possible by the semantic richness of the case systems present in these languages which play productive roles in the formation of predicative nominals. In sum, this survey constitutes the first in-depth comparative study of non-verbal predication across an entire subgroup of closely related Australian languages and provides a rich starting point for further comparative studies.

Abstract

This chapter describes the morphosyntax and semantics of non-verbal predication in languages of the Ngumpin-Yapa subgroup of the Pama-Nyungan family (Australia). All languages within the subgroup exhibit flexibility between the use of a copula construction alongside a simple juxtaposition strategy for non-verbal predication. Even at the level of a closely related subgroup, we find substantial structural and semantic variation in this construction type. In terms of the formal properties of the construction, some languages of the group utilise a single polyfunctional verb in copula function while others may use multiple different polyfunctional verbal forms in unique copula functions. Our study also reveals variable utilisation of members of a class of “coverbs” as possible predicational heads; while all languages possess coverbs, not all extend independent predicational functions to such lexemes as a permissible type of “non-verbal” predication. Another structural point of divergence is that, while most Ngumpin-Yapa languages exhibit clear parallels between verbal and non-verbal predication in terms of argument registration, at least Warlpiri, Gurindji and Mudburra show marked asymmetries, either permitting enclitic pronouns (obligatory in verbal clauses) to be omitted or to be encliticised to a different clausal constituent. Finally, we also find evidence of a broad semantic range non-verbal predications (including familiar categories such as locational and possessive) but also more specific and typologically unique predications (including purposive, comparative and ecological zone). In all languages, the semantic diversity attested is primarily made by possible by the semantic richness of the case systems present in these languages which play productive roles in the formation of predicative nominals. In sum, this survey constitutes the first in-depth comparative study of non-verbal predication across an entire subgroup of closely related Australian languages and provides a rich starting point for further comparative studies.

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