Remarks on mutae cum liquidā and branching onsets

Chapters in this book

1. I-VI I
2. Preface V
3. Contents VII
4. Jonathan D. Kaye: Curriculum vitae XI
5. Jonathan D. Kaye: Testimonials XIII
6. Jonathan D. Kaye: Publications XXI
7. Instead of an introduction 1
8. 1. General issues
9. 1.1. Acquisition
10. Meno's paradox and the acquisition of grammar 7
11. On the logical order of development in acquiring prosodic structure 29
12. 1.2. Computation
13. On the computability of certain derivations in Government Phonology 55
14. 1.3. The organisation of grammar
15. Structure paradoxes in phonology 75
16. An x-bar theory of Government Phonology 95
17. 1.4. Philosophy of science and metatheory
18. Meta-phonological speculations 131
19. Metatheoretical problems in phonology with Occam’s Razor and non-ad-hoc-ness 149
20. 2. Elements: segmental structure and processes
21. Eerati tone: towards a tonal dialectology of Emakhuwa 203
22. Government Phonology and the vowel harmonies of Natal Portuguese and Yoruba 223
23. Palatalisation in Brazilian Portuguese 243
24. Two notes on laryngeal licensing 259
25. On spirantisation and affricates 283
26. 3. Structure
27. 3.1. Branching onsets
28. Branching onsets in Polish 303
29. Are there branching onsets in Modern Icelandic? 321
30. Remarks on mutae cum liquidā and branching onsets 339
31. Defective syllables: the other story of Italian sC(C)-sequences 365
32. 3.2. “Codas”
33. Remarks on prenominal liaison consonants in French 385
34. The phonotactics of a “Prince” language: a case study 401
35. On the syllabification of right-edge consonants — evidence from Ahtna (Athapaskan) 427
36. Licensing constraint to let 449
37. 3.3. Empty categories
38. Empty and pseudo-empty categories 465
39. Unlicensed domain-final empty nuclei in Korean 481
40. Unreleasing: the case of neutralisation in Korean 497
41. 3.4. “Syllabic consonants”
42. /r/ syllabicity: Polish versus Bulgarian and Serbo-Croatian 511
43. The syllabic nasal in Japanese 527
44. 3.5. Templates and morphology
45. Template and morphology in Khalkha Mongolian — and beyond? 543
46. A non-derivational analysis of the so-called “diminutive retroflex suffixation” 563
47. Why Arabic guttural assimilation is not a phonological process 581
48. 3.6. Metrical structure
49. On a certain notion of “occurrence”: the source of metrical structure, and of much more 599
50. References 633
51. Subject index 685
52. Language index 717
53. Names index 719
54. Contributors 725