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Reconstructing the timeline of a consonantal change in a German dialect: evidence from agent-based modeling

  • Markus Jochim and Felicitas Kleber
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Speech Dynamics
This chapter is in the book Speech Dynamics

Abstract

This chapter evaluates the applicability of the agent-based simulation model developed in Harrington and Schiel (2017), which builds upon the interactive- phonetic model of sound change (Harrington et al. 2018), to long-term changes in consonant quantity. It focuses on a sound change in progress currently taking place in Bavarian German, by which fortis stops are lenited after short vowels in words where Standard German has lenis stops. Results from a series of agentbased models of different contact scenarios either correctly predicted convergence toward the standard (as previously observed in apparent-time data, Jochim and Kleber 2024) or, incorrectly, phonological stability. Simulations support the idea that the consonantal change is driven by both between-group contact and an intrinsic phonetic bias. The chapter discusses the potential and the limits of computational models to track the trajectory of sound change, and suggests a more realistic model configuration with a higher predictive power.

Abstract

This chapter evaluates the applicability of the agent-based simulation model developed in Harrington and Schiel (2017), which builds upon the interactive- phonetic model of sound change (Harrington et al. 2018), to long-term changes in consonant quantity. It focuses on a sound change in progress currently taking place in Bavarian German, by which fortis stops are lenited after short vowels in words where Standard German has lenis stops. Results from a series of agentbased models of different contact scenarios either correctly predicted convergence toward the standard (as previously observed in apparent-time data, Jochim and Kleber 2024) or, incorrectly, phonological stability. Simulations support the idea that the consonantal change is driven by both between-group contact and an intrinsic phonetic bias. The chapter discusses the potential and the limits of computational models to track the trajectory of sound change, and suggests a more realistic model configuration with a higher predictive power.

Chapters in this book

  1. Frontmatter I
  2. Contents V
  3. On the nature of speech dynamics: approaches to studying synchronic variation and diachronic change 1
  4. Part 1: Empirical perspectives on diachronic change
  5. Fifty years of monophthong and diphthong shifts in Mainstream Australian English 17
  6. Coarticulation guides sound change: an acoustic-phonetic study of real-time change in word-initial /l/ over four decades of Glaswegian 49
  7. The impact of automated phonetic alignment and formant tracking workflows on sound change measurement 89
  8. One place, two speech communities: differing responses to sound change in Mainstream and Aboriginal Australian English in a small rural town 117
  9. Prosodic change in 100 years: the fall of the rise-fall in an Albanian variety 145
  10. Part 2: Factors conditioning synchronic variation
  11. Control of larynx height in vowel production revisited: a real-time MRI study 175
  12. Sheila’s roses (are in the paddick): reduced vowels in Australian English 207
  13. The future of the queen: how to pronounce “König✶innen” ‘gender-neutrally’ in German 245
  14. Synchronic variation and diachronic change: mora-counting and syllable-counting dialects in Japanese 273
  15. Reconstructing the timeline of a consonantal change in a German dialect: evidence from agent-based modeling 307
  16. Part 3: Theoretical approaches at the interface between synchronic variation and diachronic change
  17. On (mis)aligned innovative perception and production norms 343
  18. Phonological patterns and dependency relations may arise from aerodynamic factors 369
  19. Actuation without production bias 395
  20. Understanding the role of broadcast media in sound change 425
  21. Connecting prosody and duality of patterning in diachrony, typology, phylogeny, and ontogeny 453
  22. Index 483
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