Too strong argument structures and (un-)prepared repair
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Patrick Brandt
Abstract
We present zu-excessive structures like Otto ist zu schwer ‘Otto is too heavy’ as instantiations of comparatives that have been reflexivized. Comparatives express asymmetric relations between distinguished referents, but reflexivization identifies argument places (or reduces two argument places to one), leading to a symmetric relation. Reflexivization is thus in conflict with the asymmetry property of comparatives and leads to an intermediate semantic representation that is contradictory. Two experiments substantiate that zu-excessives share this property with privative adjective and animal-for-statue constructions that similarly give rise to contradictory semantics. The processing of any of the constructions mentioned yields a positivity in the event-related-potential signature characteristic of conceptual reorganization; however, the observed positivity occurs earlier in the case of zu-excessives than in the other cases. We propose this difference is due to zu signalling the mandatory preparation for an ensuing repair rather than reflecting the repair operation itself that involves manipulating the standard of comparison, coded elsewhere in the string (if at all)
Abstract
We present zu-excessive structures like Otto ist zu schwer ‘Otto is too heavy’ as instantiations of comparatives that have been reflexivized. Comparatives express asymmetric relations between distinguished referents, but reflexivization identifies argument places (or reduces two argument places to one), leading to a symmetric relation. Reflexivization is thus in conflict with the asymmetry property of comparatives and leads to an intermediate semantic representation that is contradictory. Two experiments substantiate that zu-excessives share this property with privative adjective and animal-for-statue constructions that similarly give rise to contradictory semantics. The processing of any of the constructions mentioned yields a positivity in the event-related-potential signature characteristic of conceptual reorganization; however, the observed positivity occurs earlier in the case of zu-excessives than in the other cases. We propose this difference is due to zu signalling the mandatory preparation for an ensuing repair rather than reflecting the repair operation itself that involves manipulating the standard of comparison, coded elsewhere in the string (if at all)
Chapters in this book
- Frontmatter I
- Contents V
- The syntax of argument structure 1
- Too strong argument structures and (un-)prepared repair 13
- Evidence against lexicalist or configurational approaches to structural encoding in sentence production 33
- Case marking affects the processing of animacy with simple verbs, but not particle verbs 69
- Unexpected (in)animate argument marking 105
- Interpretability, aspectual coercion, and event structure in Object-Experiencer verbs: An acceptability study 137
- Discourse and unaccusativity 181
- Index 203
Chapters in this book
- Frontmatter I
- Contents V
- The syntax of argument structure 1
- Too strong argument structures and (un-)prepared repair 13
- Evidence against lexicalist or configurational approaches to structural encoding in sentence production 33
- Case marking affects the processing of animacy with simple verbs, but not particle verbs 69
- Unexpected (in)animate argument marking 105
- Interpretability, aspectual coercion, and event structure in Object-Experiencer verbs: An acceptability study 137
- Discourse and unaccusativity 181
- Index 203
