Why Topicalize VP?
-
Peter W. Culicover
Abstract
In this paper we are concerned with explaining the function of VP topicalization in English and German. Our particular focus will be on what licenses VP topicalization. We continue a line of research that we began in Culicover and Winkler (2008). There we argued that the linear ordering of a particular English construction, focus inversion, is explained in part by the fact that the subject is isolated on the right edge of the construction. This position is characterized by being the default locus of sentence accent, which is thereby interpreted as focus. So, while the syntax of this construction is non-canonical, it does not require a sentence-internal accent to convey focus. The key aspect of this proposal is that the explanation for focus inversion does not have to do with what is in initial position. The constituent in initial position must be interpreted in such a way that the sentence is coherent with the preceding discourse, and this can happen in a number of ways. What is crucial is that what is left behind in final position is in focus. Our proposal here is that VP topicalization in English and German is explained in the same way. Specifically, the topicalized constituent appears in a non-canonical position so that the focused element may fall under the default sentence accent. We summarize our core hypothesis as follows: Hypothesis There are two motivations for VP-Top: a. Movement of the VP to the left satisfies the need to isolate focus at the right edge of the construction (as in Culicover and Winkler 2008). b. The topicalized constituent connects to the previous discourse and therefore falls under general constraints of discourse coherence.
Abstract
In this paper we are concerned with explaining the function of VP topicalization in English and German. Our particular focus will be on what licenses VP topicalization. We continue a line of research that we began in Culicover and Winkler (2008). There we argued that the linear ordering of a particular English construction, focus inversion, is explained in part by the fact that the subject is isolated on the right edge of the construction. This position is characterized by being the default locus of sentence accent, which is thereby interpreted as focus. So, while the syntax of this construction is non-canonical, it does not require a sentence-internal accent to convey focus. The key aspect of this proposal is that the explanation for focus inversion does not have to do with what is in initial position. The constituent in initial position must be interpreted in such a way that the sentence is coherent with the preceding discourse, and this can happen in a number of ways. What is crucial is that what is left behind in final position is in focus. Our proposal here is that VP topicalization in English and German is explained in the same way. Specifically, the topicalized constituent appears in a non-canonical position so that the focused element may fall under the default sentence accent. We summarize our core hypothesis as follows: Hypothesis There are two motivations for VP-Top: a. Movement of the VP to the left satisfies the need to isolate focus at the right edge of the construction (as in Culicover and Winkler 2008). b. The topicalized constituent connects to the previous discourse and therefore falls under general constraints of discourse coherence.
Chapters in this book
- Frontmatter I
- Acknowledgements V
- Contents IX
- Exploring the Architecture of Topic at the Interface of Grammar and Discourse 1
-
Part I: Semantic and Discourse-pragmatic Correlates of Topicality
- Topics and Givenness 47
- The Role of Topics in Licensing Anaphoric Relations in VP-ellipsis 67
- Topic Marking and Illocutionary Force 95
- Topics, Conversational Dynamics and the Root/Non-root Distinction: Adverbial Clauses at the Discourse-syntax Interface 139
-
Part II: Variation in the Grammatical Encoding of Topicality: Clause-internal, Clause-external and Null Topics
- Why Topicalize VP? 173
- Information-structural Constraints on PP Topicalization from NPs 203
- Stage Topics and their Architecture 223
- Topicality in Icelandic: Null Arguments and Narrative Inversion 249
- Apropos the Topic 273
- Discourse Topic vs. Sentence Topic Exploiting the Right Periphery of German Verb-second Sentences 293
-
PART III: Topics from the Diachronic Perspective
- Topichood and the Margins of the German Clause from a Historical Perspective 337
- Stylistic Fronting at the Interface of Syntax and Discourse 373
- Index 425
Chapters in this book
- Frontmatter I
- Acknowledgements V
- Contents IX
- Exploring the Architecture of Topic at the Interface of Grammar and Discourse 1
-
Part I: Semantic and Discourse-pragmatic Correlates of Topicality
- Topics and Givenness 47
- The Role of Topics in Licensing Anaphoric Relations in VP-ellipsis 67
- Topic Marking and Illocutionary Force 95
- Topics, Conversational Dynamics and the Root/Non-root Distinction: Adverbial Clauses at the Discourse-syntax Interface 139
-
Part II: Variation in the Grammatical Encoding of Topicality: Clause-internal, Clause-external and Null Topics
- Why Topicalize VP? 173
- Information-structural Constraints on PP Topicalization from NPs 203
- Stage Topics and their Architecture 223
- Topicality in Icelandic: Null Arguments and Narrative Inversion 249
- Apropos the Topic 273
- Discourse Topic vs. Sentence Topic Exploiting the Right Periphery of German Verb-second Sentences 293
-
PART III: Topics from the Diachronic Perspective
- Topichood and the Margins of the German Clause from a Historical Perspective 337
- Stylistic Fronting at the Interface of Syntax and Discourse 373
- Index 425
