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[4] deafness

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[4] Mara MillsdeafnessA deaf spectrum—or “deafnesses”—has replaced the deaf/hearing binary in both the biomedical and cultural realms. At the same time, audiometric categories of hearing impairment do not map neatly onto deaf identities. Depending on technology use and community affiliation, individuals with audiograms that register similar types of impairment might identify quite differently as Deaf (a cultural group defined by sign language use), deaf, late-deafened, deaf-blind, hearing, or hard of hearing. Deafness may be used colloquially to designate any kind of hearing difference; however, members of Deaf culture often reject the term as itself pathologizing.In addition, Deaf scholars have reconceived hearing loss as deaf gain to ac-count for the new representations, communities, and forms of cognition afforded by bodily and communicative difference (Bauman and Murray 2009). These gains range from the neurodiversity that accompanies visual-gestural languages to aesthetic and technical innovations. With regard to technology, gains often occur because inaccessible media systems neces-sitate adaptations; examples include closed captioning (sound-to-text translation) and telephone relay services. Deaf communities also produce their own “minor” media. Deaf Space, for instance, refers to architecture designed specifically for inhabitants who sign and, to a lesser extent, use personal amplification devices.1 For scientists and engineers, deafness has yielded insights into the elements of speech and hearing, as well as pos-sibilities for their reconfiguration: new techniques for sound synthesis and visualization, for instance, or new modes of listening.Definitions of deafness have varied across time and national context, the net trend being the expansion of the category and the diversification of allied identities. Deafness did not become an object of scientific in-vestigation and pedagogical intervention in Europe until the early mod-ern period. Before the 1500s, congenitally deaf individuals and families were highly isolated. In the absence of amplification devices and precise
© 2020 Duke University Press, Durham, USA

[4] Mara MillsdeafnessA deaf spectrum—or “deafnesses”—has replaced the deaf/hearing binary in both the biomedical and cultural realms. At the same time, audiometric categories of hearing impairment do not map neatly onto deaf identities. Depending on technology use and community affiliation, individuals with audiograms that register similar types of impairment might identify quite differently as Deaf (a cultural group defined by sign language use), deaf, late-deafened, deaf-blind, hearing, or hard of hearing. Deafness may be used colloquially to designate any kind of hearing difference; however, members of Deaf culture often reject the term as itself pathologizing.In addition, Deaf scholars have reconceived hearing loss as deaf gain to ac-count for the new representations, communities, and forms of cognition afforded by bodily and communicative difference (Bauman and Murray 2009). These gains range from the neurodiversity that accompanies visual-gestural languages to aesthetic and technical innovations. With regard to technology, gains often occur because inaccessible media systems neces-sitate adaptations; examples include closed captioning (sound-to-text translation) and telephone relay services. Deaf communities also produce their own “minor” media. Deaf Space, for instance, refers to architecture designed specifically for inhabitants who sign and, to a lesser extent, use personal amplification devices.1 For scientists and engineers, deafness has yielded insights into the elements of speech and hearing, as well as pos-sibilities for their reconfiguration: new techniques for sound synthesis and visualization, for instance, or new modes of listening.Definitions of deafness have varied across time and national context, the net trend being the expansion of the category and the diversification of allied identities. Deafness did not become an object of scientific in-vestigation and pedagogical intervention in Europe until the early mod-ern period. Before the 1500s, congenitally deaf individuals and families were highly isolated. In the absence of amplification devices and precise
© 2020 Duke University Press, Durham, USA

Kapitel in diesem Buch

  1. Frontmatter i
  2. contents v
  3. introduction 1
  4. [1] acoustemology 12
  5. [2] acoustics 22
  6. [3] body 33
  7. [4] deafness 45
  8. [5] echo 55
  9. [6] hearing 65
  10. [7] image 78
  11. [8] language 87
  12. [9] listening 99
  13. [10] music 112
  14. [11] noise 125
  15. [12] phonography 139
  16. [13] radio 151
  17. [14] religion 165
  18. [15] resonance 175
  19. [16] silence 183
  20. [17] space 193
  21. [18] synthesis 208
  22. [19] transduction 222
  23. [20] voice 232
  24. contributors 247
  25. index 253
Readers are also interested in:
https://doi.org/10.1515/9780822375494-005

Kapitel in diesem Buch

  1. Frontmatter i
  2. contents v
  3. introduction 1
  4. [1] acoustemology 12
  5. [2] acoustics 22
  6. [3] body 33
  7. [4] deafness 45
  8. [5] echo 55
  9. [6] hearing 65
  10. [7] image 78
  11. [8] language 87
  12. [9] listening 99
  13. [10] music 112
  14. [11] noise 125
  15. [12] phonography 139
  16. [13] radio 151
  17. [14] religion 165
  18. [15] resonance 175
  19. [16] silence 183
  20. [17] space 193
  21. [18] synthesis 208
  22. [19] transduction 222
  23. [20] voice 232
  24. contributors 247
  25. index 253
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