Nominalization and re-finitization
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T. Givón
Abstract
The mechanisms via which subordinate clauses arise are relatively well explored, involving two major diachronic pathways (Givón 2009): first, via clause-chaining constructions, as in many Niger-Congo, Papua-New Guinea, Southeast Asian, Athabaskan, or Southern Arawak languages; and second, via nominalization, as in Turkic, Bodic/Tibetan, Cariban, or Northern Uto-Aztecan languages. In many of the latter, erstwhile nominalized subordinate clauses later undergo re-finitization, and the question then arises: by what diachronic mechanism do nominalized clauses eventually revert to finite structure? I have suggested earlier (Givón 2000) that in Ute (Northern Uto-Aztecan), the mechanism may involve the gradual re-acquisition of finite-features such as tense-aspect, but the details of this proposal were never documented. Three other mechanisms seem to suggest themselves. First, in some Bodic/Tibetan languages (Watters 1998) a new generation of finite subordinate clauses emerges, co-exists with, and slowly supplants the older nominalized clauses. Second, in Cariban, Northern Uto-Aztecan, Indo-European, Bantu and many other languages, subordinate clauses, in particular V-complements, are de-subordinated through tense-aspect genesis and other grammaticalization processes, and their nominalized structure then becomes the new finite mainclause standard (Evans 2007, Gildea, 1998, Givón 1971). Finally, in some Northern Uto-Aztecan languages (Guarijio, Tarahumara), the re-finitization mechanism seem to involve a slow elimination of nominalized features, such as e.g. genitive subjects, or re-interpretation of their function. This paper lays the background for a more fine-grained investigation of the diachrony of re-finitization.
Abstract
The mechanisms via which subordinate clauses arise are relatively well explored, involving two major diachronic pathways (Givón 2009): first, via clause-chaining constructions, as in many Niger-Congo, Papua-New Guinea, Southeast Asian, Athabaskan, or Southern Arawak languages; and second, via nominalization, as in Turkic, Bodic/Tibetan, Cariban, or Northern Uto-Aztecan languages. In many of the latter, erstwhile nominalized subordinate clauses later undergo re-finitization, and the question then arises: by what diachronic mechanism do nominalized clauses eventually revert to finite structure? I have suggested earlier (Givón 2000) that in Ute (Northern Uto-Aztecan), the mechanism may involve the gradual re-acquisition of finite-features such as tense-aspect, but the details of this proposal were never documented. Three other mechanisms seem to suggest themselves. First, in some Bodic/Tibetan languages (Watters 1998) a new generation of finite subordinate clauses emerges, co-exists with, and slowly supplants the older nominalized clauses. Second, in Cariban, Northern Uto-Aztecan, Indo-European, Bantu and many other languages, subordinate clauses, in particular V-complements, are de-subordinated through tense-aspect genesis and other grammaticalization processes, and their nominalized structure then becomes the new finite mainclause standard (Evans 2007, Gildea, 1998, Givón 1971). Finally, in some Northern Uto-Aztecan languages (Guarijio, Tarahumara), the re-finitization mechanism seem to involve a slow elimination of nominalized features, such as e.g. genitive subjects, or re-interpretation of their function. This paper lays the background for a more fine-grained investigation of the diachrony of re-finitization.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Acknowledgments vii
- Finiteness and nominalization 1
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PART I. Finiteness, nominalization and information structure
- Finiteness, nominalization, and information structure 13
- Exploring finiteness and non-finiteness in Pima Bajo (Uto-Aztecan) 43
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PART II. Correlation between continuum of finiteness and scale from dependent to independent clause
- Finiteness in Haruai 71
- Non-finite chain-medial clauses on the continuum of finiteness in Purepecha 83
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PART III. Nominalization structures and their relation to the scale of finiteness
- The evolution of grammatical nominalizations in Cahita languages 107
- On the tightrope between infinitives and action nouns 141
- Referential markers in Oceanic nominalized constructions 171
- The role of nominalization in theticity 205
- On non-finiteness and canonical imperatives 243
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PART IV. Diachronic process: re-finitization and finitization
- Nominalization and re-finitization 271
- Shifting finiteness in nominalization 297
- The Manner converb in Beja (Cushitic) and its refinitization 323
- On finitization 345
- Language Index 371
- Name Index 373
- Subject Index 377
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Acknowledgments vii
- Finiteness and nominalization 1
-
PART I. Finiteness, nominalization and information structure
- Finiteness, nominalization, and information structure 13
- Exploring finiteness and non-finiteness in Pima Bajo (Uto-Aztecan) 43
-
PART II. Correlation between continuum of finiteness and scale from dependent to independent clause
- Finiteness in Haruai 71
- Non-finite chain-medial clauses on the continuum of finiteness in Purepecha 83
-
PART III. Nominalization structures and their relation to the scale of finiteness
- The evolution of grammatical nominalizations in Cahita languages 107
- On the tightrope between infinitives and action nouns 141
- Referential markers in Oceanic nominalized constructions 171
- The role of nominalization in theticity 205
- On non-finiteness and canonical imperatives 243
-
PART IV. Diachronic process: re-finitization and finitization
- Nominalization and re-finitization 271
- Shifting finiteness in nominalization 297
- The Manner converb in Beja (Cushitic) and its refinitization 323
- On finitization 345
- Language Index 371
- Name Index 373
- Subject Index 377
