Datives in Basque bivalent unergatives
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Jon Ortiz de Urbina
and Beatriz Fernández
Abstract
Bivalent predicates which mark their sole object dative rather than absolutive/accusative are unexpected under the assumption that dative is associated with a ‘second complement’. Apparently first complements of morphologically transitive verbs are also found in Basque, in the main semantic classes already identified by Blume (1998). Morphologically, this sole object is indistinguishable from the indirect object of trivalent predicates of the give-type: both of them share dative case and trigger identical agreement marking on a ditransitive-like auxiliary form. In this chapter, we will focus on the syntactic behavior of these datives and, following McFadden (2004), we will show that similarities with indirect objects extends also to syntax, as attested in: (i) secondary predication, (ii) impersonal/passive clauses, (iii) adnominals, and (iv) causativization and relativization. These dative objects, then, differ from DOM dative complements in Basque (Fernández and Rezac, this volume) both in syntactic behavior and in distribution.
Abstract
Bivalent predicates which mark their sole object dative rather than absolutive/accusative are unexpected under the assumption that dative is associated with a ‘second complement’. Apparently first complements of morphologically transitive verbs are also found in Basque, in the main semantic classes already identified by Blume (1998). Morphologically, this sole object is indistinguishable from the indirect object of trivalent predicates of the give-type: both of them share dative case and trigger identical agreement marking on a ditransitive-like auxiliary form. In this chapter, we will focus on the syntactic behavior of these datives and, following McFadden (2004), we will show that similarities with indirect objects extends also to syntax, as attested in: (i) secondary predication, (ii) impersonal/passive clauses, (iii) adnominals, and (iv) causativization and relativization. These dative objects, then, differ from DOM dative complements in Basque (Fernández and Rezac, this volume) both in syntactic behavior and in distribution.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
-
Introductory chapters
- Microparameters in the Grammar of Basque 3
- On Basque dialects 15
-
Case and Agreement
- On the relation between ergativity, stativity and the verbal configuration of Basque 39
- Datives in Basque bivalent unergatives 67
- Differential object marking in Basque varieties 93
- Gaps and stopgaps in Basque finite verb agreement* 139
-
Determiners
- Nominals in Basque and their existential interpretation 195
-
Word order and left periphery
- Strategies of verb and verb phrase focus across Basque dialects 221
- Strategies for argument and adjunct focalization in Basque 243
- Microsyntactic variation in the Basque hearsay evidential 265
- Index of Basque varieties mentioned in the text 289
- Name Index 291
- Subject Index 297
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
-
Introductory chapters
- Microparameters in the Grammar of Basque 3
- On Basque dialects 15
-
Case and Agreement
- On the relation between ergativity, stativity and the verbal configuration of Basque 39
- Datives in Basque bivalent unergatives 67
- Differential object marking in Basque varieties 93
- Gaps and stopgaps in Basque finite verb agreement* 139
-
Determiners
- Nominals in Basque and their existential interpretation 195
-
Word order and left periphery
- Strategies of verb and verb phrase focus across Basque dialects 221
- Strategies for argument and adjunct focalization in Basque 243
- Microsyntactic variation in the Basque hearsay evidential 265
- Index of Basque varieties mentioned in the text 289
- Name Index 291
- Subject Index 297