Home Linguistics & Semiotics Integrating the filler
Chapter
Licensed
Unlicensed Requires Authentication

Integrating the filler

Evidence from double object constructions in Greek relative clauses
  • Anastasia Paspali
View more publications by John Benjamins Publishing Company

Abstract

This study investigates filler integration by adult native speakers of Greek. Object Relative Clauses (RCs) including ditransitives were tested in order to address (a) whether Greek adults show reactivation of the filler at the gap as proposed by the Trace Reactivation Hypothesis (TRH), and (b) the psychological reality of two theoretical analyses of ditransitives in Greek. The first analysis proposes that the base-generated order is direct object (DO)–indirect object (IO), where the DO c-commands the IO, and the second analysis proposes that the basic word order is IO–DO, where the IO c-commands the DO. Cross-Modal Priming (CMP) (Swinney et al., 1979) and Probe-Classification During Reading aloud (Dekydtspotter et al., 2010) were employed. Trace reactivation effects confirm the TRH only in the CMP task and only when adopting the IO–DO order as basic.

Abstract

This study investigates filler integration by adult native speakers of Greek. Object Relative Clauses (RCs) including ditransitives were tested in order to address (a) whether Greek adults show reactivation of the filler at the gap as proposed by the Trace Reactivation Hypothesis (TRH), and (b) the psychological reality of two theoretical analyses of ditransitives in Greek. The first analysis proposes that the base-generated order is direct object (DO)–indirect object (IO), where the DO c-commands the IO, and the second analysis proposes that the basic word order is IO–DO, where the IO c-commands the DO. Cross-Modal Priming (CMP) (Swinney et al., 1979) and Probe-Classification During Reading aloud (Dekydtspotter et al., 2010) were employed. Trace reactivation effects confirm the TRH only in the CMP task and only when adopting the IO–DO order as basic.

Downloaded on 9.11.2025 from https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1075/lald.64.02pas/html
Scroll to top button