John Benjamins Publishing Company
The dative/accusative alternations in Old Romanian
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Abstract
This paper contrasts the dative/accusative alternations in Romance languages with Romanian: In Romance, this alternation mediates the emergence of a DOM particle for direct objects, in addition to the preservation of the same particle with the indirect object (morphological extension). The case assigning property of this particle is paramount in both contexts. On the other hand, in Romanian, the dative/accusative alternation ends up with the complete substitution of one syntactic pattern by the other in the same position; e.g., dative inflected direct objects of Old Romanian (theme/patient theta-role) are substituted by accusatives with or without DOM in Modern Romanian. The change concerns the general option for analytical versus synthetic case in the grammar, irrespective of DOM. This contrast confirms the conclusions of previous studies that the development of DOM in Romanian involves different morpho-syntactic patterns than those proposed for Romance languages (e.g., Spanish), especially with respect to the origin and function of the DOM particle and the pairing of case marking on DP and the theta-roles they spell out.
Abstract
This paper contrasts the dative/accusative alternations in Romance languages with Romanian: In Romance, this alternation mediates the emergence of a DOM particle for direct objects, in addition to the preservation of the same particle with the indirect object (morphological extension). The case assigning property of this particle is paramount in both contexts. On the other hand, in Romanian, the dative/accusative alternation ends up with the complete substitution of one syntactic pattern by the other in the same position; e.g., dative inflected direct objects of Old Romanian (theme/patient theta-role) are substituted by accusatives with or without DOM in Modern Romanian. The change concerns the general option for analytical versus synthetic case in the grammar, irrespective of DOM. This contrast confirms the conclusions of previous studies that the development of DOM in Romanian involves different morpho-syntactic patterns than those proposed for Romance languages (e.g., Spanish), especially with respect to the origin and function of the DOM particle and the pairing of case marking on DP and the theta-roles they spell out.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- List of abbreviations vii
- Introduction 1
- Differential object marking in Barese 24
- Differential object marking in French 56
- Clitic doubling in Brazilian Portuguese as a DOM strategy 85
- Syntactic and semantic constraints on differential object marking in Old Sardinian 105
- Differential object marking in Brazilian Portuguese 135
- Corsican DOM 160
- Differential object marking in a dialect of Sicily 192
- The dative/accusative alternations in Old Romanian 232
- Differential object marking in kinship terms and animacy hierarchies in Old Sardinian 253
- Parametric variation in differential object marking in Italo-Romance 267
- A micro-comparative approach to DOM in language-contact environments 315
- Index 349
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- List of abbreviations vii
- Introduction 1
- Differential object marking in Barese 24
- Differential object marking in French 56
- Clitic doubling in Brazilian Portuguese as a DOM strategy 85
- Syntactic and semantic constraints on differential object marking in Old Sardinian 105
- Differential object marking in Brazilian Portuguese 135
- Corsican DOM 160
- Differential object marking in a dialect of Sicily 192
- The dative/accusative alternations in Old Romanian 232
- Differential object marking in kinship terms and animacy hierarchies in Old Sardinian 253
- Parametric variation in differential object marking in Italo-Romance 267
- A micro-comparative approach to DOM in language-contact environments 315
- Index 349
