Home General Interest The morphosyntax-semantics interface and the Sicilian Doubly Inflected Construction
Chapter
Licensed
Unlicensed Requires Authentication

The morphosyntax-semantics interface and the Sicilian Doubly Inflected Construction

  • Giuseppina Todaro and Fabio Del Prete
View more publications by John Benjamins Publishing Company
Italian Dialectology at the Interfaces
This chapter is in the book Italian Dialectology at the Interfaces

Abstract

We examine the Doubly Inflected Construction of Sicilian (DIC, Cruschina 2013; also known as Inflected Construction, Cardinaletti and Giusti 2001, 2003), in which a motion verb V1 is followed by an event verb V2, both verbs being inflected for the same person and TAM features. We propose to regard DIC as a Serial Verb Construction and analyze it in terms of an operation of lexical concatenation, whereby V1 and V2 are semantically composed as lexical verbs denoting spatio-temporally contiguous events and displaying argument sharing, to yield a complex predicate denoting concatenated events. The data we consider crucially include the causative motion verb ‘send’ and bring out a mismatch between the person features realized on V1 and V2 and semantic interpretation. We show how our analysis allows for a principled account of the morphology-semantics mismatch. The semantic analysis is implemented in a neo-Davidsonian framework (Parsons 1990).

Abstract

We examine the Doubly Inflected Construction of Sicilian (DIC, Cruschina 2013; also known as Inflected Construction, Cardinaletti and Giusti 2001, 2003), in which a motion verb V1 is followed by an event verb V2, both verbs being inflected for the same person and TAM features. We propose to regard DIC as a Serial Verb Construction and analyze it in terms of an operation of lexical concatenation, whereby V1 and V2 are semantically composed as lexical verbs denoting spatio-temporally contiguous events and displaying argument sharing, to yield a complex predicate denoting concatenated events. The data we consider crucially include the causative motion verb ‘send’ and bring out a mismatch between the person features realized on V1 and V2 and semantic interpretation. We show how our analysis allows for a principled account of the morphology-semantics mismatch. The semantic analysis is implemented in a neo-Davidsonian framework (Parsons 1990).

Downloaded on 28.2.2026 from https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1075/la.251.07tod/html
Scroll to top button