Polarity focus and non-canonical syntax in Italian, French and Spanish
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Davide Garassino
Abstract
Unlike in Germanic languages, in the Romance family the prosodic realization of polarity focus is strongly restricted. Instead, we observe a wealth of formal means that involve other language domains, such as the lexicon and non-canonical syntax. In this article, we provide a fine-grained analysis of the contribution of marked syntax to the expression of polarity focus in French, Italian and Spanish, by examining two constructions: clitic dislocation and sì che / sí que. Our main goals are to understand the distribution of these structures and their cross-linguistic differences on the basis of data gathered from the Direct Europarl corpus. Based on a Question Under Discussion model, we identify the main contexts of use to which clitic dislocation and sì che / sí que appear to be a good fit thanks to their functional properties; in particular, we recognize the framing function of clitic left dislocation as one of the most relevant features justifying the affinity between these structures and the expression of polarity focus. Finally, we explain the profound asymmetry observed in the distribution of clitic dislocation and sì che / sí que in our dataset on the basis of inherent grammatical grounds (related to the absence vs. presence of a system of clitic subject pronouns in the three languages), as well as the typology of information structure within the Romance family, as put forward by Leonetti (cf. Leonetti 2010, 2014) in his recent works.
Abstract
Unlike in Germanic languages, in the Romance family the prosodic realization of polarity focus is strongly restricted. Instead, we observe a wealth of formal means that involve other language domains, such as the lexicon and non-canonical syntax. In this article, we provide a fine-grained analysis of the contribution of marked syntax to the expression of polarity focus in French, Italian and Spanish, by examining two constructions: clitic dislocation and sì che / sí que. Our main goals are to understand the distribution of these structures and their cross-linguistic differences on the basis of data gathered from the Direct Europarl corpus. Based on a Question Under Discussion model, we identify the main contexts of use to which clitic dislocation and sì che / sí que appear to be a good fit thanks to their functional properties; in particular, we recognize the framing function of clitic left dislocation as one of the most relevant features justifying the affinity between these structures and the expression of polarity focus. Finally, we explain the profound asymmetry observed in the distribution of clitic dislocation and sì che / sí que in our dataset on the basis of inherent grammatical grounds (related to the absence vs. presence of a system of clitic subject pronouns in the three languages), as well as the typology of information structure within the Romance family, as put forward by Leonetti (cf. Leonetti 2010, 2014) in his recent works.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- The grammatical realization of polarity contrast 1
- From polarity focus to salient polarity 9
- Verum focus, sentence mood, and contrast 55
- Complementizers and negative polarity in German hypothetical comparatives 89
- Veridicality and sets of alternative worlds 109
- Biased declarative questions in Swedish and German 129
- On two types of polar interrogatives in Hungarian and their interaction with inside and outside negation 173
- Two kinds of VERUM distinguished by aspect choice in Russian 203
- Polarity focus and non-canonical syntax in Italian, French and Spanish 227
- In search for polarity contrast marking in Italian 255
- Index 289
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- The grammatical realization of polarity contrast 1
- From polarity focus to salient polarity 9
- Verum focus, sentence mood, and contrast 55
- Complementizers and negative polarity in German hypothetical comparatives 89
- Veridicality and sets of alternative worlds 109
- Biased declarative questions in Swedish and German 129
- On two types of polar interrogatives in Hungarian and their interaction with inside and outside negation 173
- Two kinds of VERUM distinguished by aspect choice in Russian 203
- Polarity focus and non-canonical syntax in Italian, French and Spanish 227
- In search for polarity contrast marking in Italian 255
- Index 289
