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The use of gerunds and infinitives in perceptive constructions

The effects of a threefold parametric variation in some Romance varieties

Abstract

In this article I compare the use of gerunds with perceptive verbs in Spanish and in Gardenese, a Rhaeto-Romance variety spoken in Northern Italy: perceptive gerunds are used as secondary predicates in Spanish but as defective TP-complements in Gardenese. Following Rizzi’s (2014) account of parametric variation, I propose that the differences are due to the interplay of three parameters: (i) a [+progressive] feature on Gardenese perception verbs, (ii) the pure lexical status of perception verbs in Gardenese, and (iii) a [+Agreement] feature on Spanish gerunds. The discussion of the parameters involved leads to more general considerations, such as a new proposal for the structure of perceptive ECMs in Romance, the confirmation of Folli and Harley’s (2007) analysis of Romance causative constructions, and the necessity of both the [+Agreement] and the [+Tense] feature in order to allow nominative non-finite subjects. The comparison with other Romance varieties confirms the role played by this parametric variation in perceptive constructions.

Abstract

In this article I compare the use of gerunds with perceptive verbs in Spanish and in Gardenese, a Rhaeto-Romance variety spoken in Northern Italy: perceptive gerunds are used as secondary predicates in Spanish but as defective TP-complements in Gardenese. Following Rizzi’s (2014) account of parametric variation, I propose that the differences are due to the interplay of three parameters: (i) a [+progressive] feature on Gardenese perception verbs, (ii) the pure lexical status of perception verbs in Gardenese, and (iii) a [+Agreement] feature on Spanish gerunds. The discussion of the parameters involved leads to more general considerations, such as a new proposal for the structure of perceptive ECMs in Romance, the confirmation of Folli and Harley’s (2007) analysis of Romance causative constructions, and the necessity of both the [+Agreement] and the [+Tense] feature in order to allow nominative non-finite subjects. The comparison with other Romance varieties confirms the role played by this parametric variation in perceptive constructions.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Acknowledgements vii
  4. Introduction 1
  5. Part one: Synchronic variation in phonology and syntax
  6. Germanic and Romance onset clusters – how to account for microvariation 25
  7. The use of gerunds and infinitives in perceptive constructions 53
  8. Adverb and participle agreement 89
  9. Why a bed can be slept in but not under 119
  10. Deriving idiolectal variation 145
  11. On the variable nature of head final effects in German and English 177
  12. Part two: Diachronic variation in phonology and syntax
  13. Variation and change in Italian phonology 205
  14. Which clues for which V2 237
  15. Parameter typology from a diachronic perspective 259
  16. Part three: On the relationship between language variation and language change in bilingual settings
  17. Attrition at the interfaces in bilectal acquisition (Italian/Gallipolino) 295
  18. Little v and cross-linguistic variation 317
  19. On language acquisition and language change 337
  20. Index 371
Theoretical Approaches to Linguistic Variation
This chapter is in the book Theoretical Approaches to Linguistic Variation
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.234.03cas

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Acknowledgements vii
  4. Introduction 1
  5. Part one: Synchronic variation in phonology and syntax
  6. Germanic and Romance onset clusters – how to account for microvariation 25
  7. The use of gerunds and infinitives in perceptive constructions 53
  8. Adverb and participle agreement 89
  9. Why a bed can be slept in but not under 119
  10. Deriving idiolectal variation 145
  11. On the variable nature of head final effects in German and English 177
  12. Part two: Diachronic variation in phonology and syntax
  13. Variation and change in Italian phonology 205
  14. Which clues for which V2 237
  15. Parameter typology from a diachronic perspective 259
  16. Part three: On the relationship between language variation and language change in bilingual settings
  17. Attrition at the interfaces in bilectal acquisition (Italian/Gallipolino) 295
  18. Little v and cross-linguistic variation 317
  19. On language acquisition and language change 337
  20. Index 371
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