The use of gerunds and infinitives in perceptive constructions
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Jan Casalicchio
Abstract
In this article I compare the use of gerunds with perceptive verbs in Spanish and in Gardenese, a Rhaeto-Romance variety spoken in Northern Italy: perceptive gerunds are used as secondary predicates in Spanish but as defective TP-complements in Gardenese. Following Rizzi’s (2014) account of parametric variation, I propose that the differences are due to the interplay of three parameters: (i) a [+progressive] feature on Gardenese perception verbs, (ii) the pure lexical status of perception verbs in Gardenese, and (iii) a [+Agreement] feature on Spanish gerunds. The discussion of the parameters involved leads to more general considerations, such as a new proposal for the structure of perceptive ECMs in Romance, the confirmation of Folli and Harley’s (2007) analysis of Romance causative constructions, and the necessity of both the [+Agreement] and the [+Tense] feature in order to allow nominative non-finite subjects. The comparison with other Romance varieties confirms the role played by this parametric variation in perceptive constructions.
Abstract
In this article I compare the use of gerunds with perceptive verbs in Spanish and in Gardenese, a Rhaeto-Romance variety spoken in Northern Italy: perceptive gerunds are used as secondary predicates in Spanish but as defective TP-complements in Gardenese. Following Rizzi’s (2014) account of parametric variation, I propose that the differences are due to the interplay of three parameters: (i) a [+progressive] feature on Gardenese perception verbs, (ii) the pure lexical status of perception verbs in Gardenese, and (iii) a [+Agreement] feature on Spanish gerunds. The discussion of the parameters involved leads to more general considerations, such as a new proposal for the structure of perceptive ECMs in Romance, the confirmation of Folli and Harley’s (2007) analysis of Romance causative constructions, and the necessity of both the [+Agreement] and the [+Tense] feature in order to allow nominative non-finite subjects. The comparison with other Romance varieties confirms the role played by this parametric variation in perceptive constructions.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Acknowledgements vii
- Introduction 1
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Part one: Synchronic variation in phonology and syntax
- Germanic and Romance onset clusters – how to account for microvariation 25
- The use of gerunds and infinitives in perceptive constructions 53
- Adverb and participle agreement 89
- Why a bed can be slept in but not under 119
- Deriving idiolectal variation 145
- On the variable nature of head final effects in German and English 177
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Part two: Diachronic variation in phonology and syntax
- Variation and change in Italian phonology 205
- Which clues for which V2 237
- Parameter typology from a diachronic perspective 259
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Part three: On the relationship between language variation and language change in bilingual settings
- Attrition at the interfaces in bilectal acquisition (Italian/Gallipolino) 295
- Little v and cross-linguistic variation 317
- On language acquisition and language change 337
- Index 371
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Acknowledgements vii
- Introduction 1
-
Part one: Synchronic variation in phonology and syntax
- Germanic and Romance onset clusters – how to account for microvariation 25
- The use of gerunds and infinitives in perceptive constructions 53
- Adverb and participle agreement 89
- Why a bed can be slept in but not under 119
- Deriving idiolectal variation 145
- On the variable nature of head final effects in German and English 177
-
Part two: Diachronic variation in phonology and syntax
- Variation and change in Italian phonology 205
- Which clues for which V2 237
- Parameter typology from a diachronic perspective 259
-
Part three: On the relationship between language variation and language change in bilingual settings
- Attrition at the interfaces in bilectal acquisition (Italian/Gallipolino) 295
- Little v and cross-linguistic variation 317
- On language acquisition and language change 337
- Index 371
