Against a uniform treatment of second position effects as force markers
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Krzysztof Migdalski
Abstract
This paper investigates two constructions, Verb Second and second position cliticization. These constructions involve placement of a certain element (a finite verb or clitics) in the position following the clause-initial constituent, with seemingly few restrictions as to what this constituent might be. A common way of accounting for V2 is to assume that it is a force marker. This paper challenges this view. It investigates the history of V2 and second position cliticization as well as different environments in which both constructions are found. The investigation leads to the conclusion that second position effects encompass a number of different operations, only some of which can be argued to mark force.
Abstract
This paper investigates two constructions, Verb Second and second position cliticization. These constructions involve placement of a certain element (a finite verb or clitics) in the position following the clause-initial constituent, with seemingly few restrictions as to what this constituent might be. A common way of accounting for V2 is to assume that it is a force marker. This paper challenges this view. It investigates the history of V2 and second position cliticization as well as different environments in which both constructions are found. The investigation leads to the conclusion that second position effects encompass a number of different operations, only some of which can be argued to mark force.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
-
Introduction
- Main Clause Phenomena and the privilege of the root 1
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PART I. Explaining Main Clause Phenomena: The bigger picture
- Augmented structure preservation and the Tensed S Constraint 23
- Root transformations & quantificational structure 47
- Agreements that occur mainly in the main clause 79
- The syntax of MCP 113
- Towards an interface definition of root phenomena* 135
- Explaining matrix/subordinate domain discrepancies 159
- Parenthetical main clauses – or not? 177
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PART II. The Phenomena
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A. Particles and agreement markers
- Topic particle stranding and the structure of CP 205
- Splitting up force 229
- The syntactic position of Polish by and Main Clause Phenomena 257
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B. Complementizers and verb-second
- A main clause complementizer 279
- The status of complementizers in the left periphery 297
- Minimality and embedded V2 in Scandinavian 319
- Against a uniform treatment of second position effects as force markers 345
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C. Adverbial clauses
- The syntax-discourse interface in adverbial clauses 365
- Subjunctive mood, epistemic modality and Main Clause Phenomena in the analysis of adverbial clauses 385
- On two types of adverbial clauses allowing root-phenomena 405
- Index 431
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
-
Introduction
- Main Clause Phenomena and the privilege of the root 1
-
PART I. Explaining Main Clause Phenomena: The bigger picture
- Augmented structure preservation and the Tensed S Constraint 23
- Root transformations & quantificational structure 47
- Agreements that occur mainly in the main clause 79
- The syntax of MCP 113
- Towards an interface definition of root phenomena* 135
- Explaining matrix/subordinate domain discrepancies 159
- Parenthetical main clauses – or not? 177
-
PART II. The Phenomena
-
A. Particles and agreement markers
- Topic particle stranding and the structure of CP 205
- Splitting up force 229
- The syntactic position of Polish by and Main Clause Phenomena 257
-
B. Complementizers and verb-second
- A main clause complementizer 279
- The status of complementizers in the left periphery 297
- Minimality and embedded V2 in Scandinavian 319
- Against a uniform treatment of second position effects as force markers 345
-
C. Adverbial clauses
- The syntax-discourse interface in adverbial clauses 365
- Subjunctive mood, epistemic modality and Main Clause Phenomena in the analysis of adverbial clauses 385
- On two types of adverbial clauses allowing root-phenomena 405
- Index 431