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Aspect matters in the middle

  • Marika Lekakou
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The Limits of Syntactic Variation
Ein Kapitel aus dem Buch The Limits of Syntactic Variation

Abstract

This paper addresses the variation that the middle construction attests

cross-linguistically. In one class of languges middles behave as passives,

whereas in another class they pattern with unergative structures. My

proposal is that this variation is not accidental, and that it reduces to

variation in the morphosyntax of aspect. I put forward a semantic treatment

of middles as disposition ascriptions to a Patient/Theme argument. I then

show how the morphosyntax of the dispositional generic operator that is

argued to be present in such structures determines the syntactic behaviour

of middles. Genericity may be morphosyntactically encoded by means of

grammatical aspect, in particular in languages where such aspectual

distinctions as perfective/imperfective exist. The proposal is that the level

at which the generic operator is present correlates with the level at which

middles are derived. For instance, in Greek and French, genericity is

morphosyntactically encoded and middles are parasitic on passives. In

such languages, middles are derived in the syntax, in virtue of the availability

in the syntax of the relevant operator. In Germanic languages, by contrast,

aspectual distinctions are not encoded in the morphosyntax, and middles

are syntactically unergative. This is implemented in terms of a presyntactic

derivation.

Abstract

This paper addresses the variation that the middle construction attests

cross-linguistically. In one class of languges middles behave as passives,

whereas in another class they pattern with unergative structures. My

proposal is that this variation is not accidental, and that it reduces to

variation in the morphosyntax of aspect. I put forward a semantic treatment

of middles as disposition ascriptions to a Patient/Theme argument. I then

show how the morphosyntax of the dispositional generic operator that is

argued to be present in such structures determines the syntactic behaviour

of middles. Genericity may be morphosyntactically encoded by means of

grammatical aspect, in particular in languages where such aspectual

distinctions as perfective/imperfective exist. The proposal is that the level

at which the generic operator is present correlates with the level at which

middles are derived. For instance, in Greek and French, genericity is

morphosyntactically encoded and middles are parasitic on passives. In

such languages, middles are derived in the syntax, in virtue of the availability

in the syntax of the relevant operator. In Germanic languages, by contrast,

aspectual distinctions are not encoded in the morphosyntax, and middles

are syntactically unergative. This is implemented in terms of a presyntactic

derivation.

Heruntergeladen am 5.11.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1075/la.132.09lek/html?lang=de
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