5. Romanian clitic doubling: A view from pragmatics-semantics and diachrony
-
Virginia Hill
and Liliane Tasmowski
Abstract
This paper argues that an approach to the Romanian C(litic) D(oubling) from a pragmatics-semantics perspective produces a systematic account for three peculiarities of this construction; namely, the obligatory particle pe preceding the D(irect) O(bject) dp, the interaction between this type of marking and the insertion of a doubling clitic, and the DO/I(ndirect) O(bject) asymmetry in the conditions for CD. In particular, speech act effects emerging from the presence versus absence of pe lead us to define this element as a pragmatic marker forprominence in these configurations. Its interaction with the doubling clitic depends on the semantics of reference: only an acceptable degree of stable reference of the dp allows for the coocurrence with a clitic (i.e., for the CD of DOs). These constraints do not extend to the CD of IOs. We consider that an acceptable degree of stable reference is intrinsically ensured in Romanian CD with IOs because of the matching morphological endings for Oblique Case on both the clitic and the dp; prominence, on the other hand, emerges from the high location of IOs on the topicality scale (i.e., close to Agent-like theta-roles), in contrast to the low location of DOs (i.e., close to Theme-like theta-roles). Thus, IOs meet the pragmatic prominence conditions for CD due to their morpho-semantics, whereas DOs need categorial marking (i.e., pe) to qualify for this process. An overview of the CD in three texts of Old Romanian attests a gradual emergence of the modern CD that supports our analysis.
Abstract
This paper argues that an approach to the Romanian C(litic) D(oubling) from a pragmatics-semantics perspective produces a systematic account for three peculiarities of this construction; namely, the obligatory particle pe preceding the D(irect) O(bject) dp, the interaction between this type of marking and the insertion of a doubling clitic, and the DO/I(ndirect) O(bject) asymmetry in the conditions for CD. In particular, speech act effects emerging from the presence versus absence of pe lead us to define this element as a pragmatic marker forprominence in these configurations. Its interaction with the doubling clitic depends on the semantics of reference: only an acceptable degree of stable reference of the dp allows for the coocurrence with a clitic (i.e., for the CD of DOs). These constraints do not extend to the CD of IOs. We consider that an acceptable degree of stable reference is intrinsically ensured in Romanian CD with IOs because of the matching morphological endings for Oblique Case on both the clitic and the dp; prominence, on the other hand, emerges from the high location of IOs on the topicality scale (i.e., close to Agent-like theta-roles), in contrast to the low location of DOs (i.e., close to Theme-like theta-roles). Thus, IOs meet the pragmatic prominence conditions for CD due to their morpho-semantics, whereas DOs need categorial marking (i.e., pe) to qualify for this process. An overview of the CD in three texts of Old Romanian attests a gradual emergence of the modern CD that supports our analysis.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- List of contributors vii
- Preface ix
- Introduction: Clitic doubling, core syntax and the interfaces 1
-
Part I. Clitic doubling within the Balkan Continuum: Rise and spread
- 1. Balkan object reduplication in areal and dialectological perspective 35
- 2. Towards grammaticalization of clitic doubling: Clitic doubling in Macedonian and neighbouring languages 65
- 3. The genesis of clitic doubling from Ancient to Medieval Greek 89
- 4. Clitic doubling and Old Bulgarian 105
-
Part II. Discourse functional properties of clitic doubling
- 5. Romanian clitic doubling: A view from pragmatics-semantics and diachrony 135
- 6. Clitic doubling from Ancient to Asia Minor Greek 165
- 7. Object clitic doubling constructions and topicality in Bulgarian 203
-
Part III. Morpho-syntactic properties and modelling of clitic doubling
- 8. Clitic doubling, agreement and information structure: The case of Albanian 227
- 9. Clitic reduplication constructions in Bulgarian 257
- 10. Clitic doubling, complex heads and interarboreal operations 289
- 11. Rethinking the Clitic Doubling parameter: The inverse correlation between clitic doubling and participle agreement 321
-
Part IV. Clitic doubling within the DP
- 12. Romanian possessive clitics revisited 361
- 13. Possessive clitics in the DP: Doubling or dislocation? 389
- Name index 435
- Language index 437
- Subject index 439
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- List of contributors vii
- Preface ix
- Introduction: Clitic doubling, core syntax and the interfaces 1
-
Part I. Clitic doubling within the Balkan Continuum: Rise and spread
- 1. Balkan object reduplication in areal and dialectological perspective 35
- 2. Towards grammaticalization of clitic doubling: Clitic doubling in Macedonian and neighbouring languages 65
- 3. The genesis of clitic doubling from Ancient to Medieval Greek 89
- 4. Clitic doubling and Old Bulgarian 105
-
Part II. Discourse functional properties of clitic doubling
- 5. Romanian clitic doubling: A view from pragmatics-semantics and diachrony 135
- 6. Clitic doubling from Ancient to Asia Minor Greek 165
- 7. Object clitic doubling constructions and topicality in Bulgarian 203
-
Part III. Morpho-syntactic properties and modelling of clitic doubling
- 8. Clitic doubling, agreement and information structure: The case of Albanian 227
- 9. Clitic reduplication constructions in Bulgarian 257
- 10. Clitic doubling, complex heads and interarboreal operations 289
- 11. Rethinking the Clitic Doubling parameter: The inverse correlation between clitic doubling and participle agreement 321
-
Part IV. Clitic doubling within the DP
- 12. Romanian possessive clitics revisited 361
- 13. Possessive clitics in the DP: Doubling or dislocation? 389
- Name index 435
- Language index 437
- Subject index 439