The conceptualization of change of state in verbs coming from gentilicios
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Elisa Barrajón López
Abstract
This paper has as its aim to examine the way in which the meaning of the derivative base (regardless of its denominal or deadjectival nature, although it will be demonstrated here that it rather follows an adjectival behavior) influences the semantics of verbs coming from gentilicios (africanizar/se, gauchear, etc.) and, consequently, to identify the underlying argument structure in each case, as well as their main aspectual properties. The conceptual components involved in the process leading to the formation of these complex units can appear explicitly or amalgamate with the verb. According to the semantically conflated component, the argument scheme will be different: Hacer X a Y [To make Y become X], Hacerse X [To become X] or Comportarse X [To behave X]. Nevertheless, it is worth highlighting that the border between the last two schemes is not always clear.
Abstract
This paper has as its aim to examine the way in which the meaning of the derivative base (regardless of its denominal or deadjectival nature, although it will be demonstrated here that it rather follows an adjectival behavior) influences the semantics of verbs coming from gentilicios (africanizar/se, gauchear, etc.) and, consequently, to identify the underlying argument structure in each case, as well as their main aspectual properties. The conceptual components involved in the process leading to the formation of these complex units can appear explicitly or amalgamate with the verb. According to the semantically conflated component, the argument scheme will be different: Hacer X a Y [To make Y become X], Hacerse X [To become X] or Comportarse X [To behave X]. Nevertheless, it is worth highlighting that the border between the last two schemes is not always clear.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Preface vii
- List of contributors xvii
- The conceptualization of change of state in verbs coming from gentilicios 1
- Event structure and lexical semantics in a scalar approach to actionality 21
- Lexical synonymy and argumental structure 60
- Inner and outer prepositions with Spanish verbs of vertical movement 77
- Argumental comitative and reciprocity in Spanish 98
- Causativity and psychological verbs in Spanish 110
- Lexical agreement processes 131
- Variable aspectual coercion in Spanish fictive motion expressions 153
- Agent control over non culminating events 185
- The pseudo-copulative verbs verse and sentirse 218
- On events that express properties 238
- Some reflections on verbs with clitic increase 264
- Transitivity and verb classes 288
- Romance object-experiencer verbs 312
- Aspectual approach to causative-resultative denominal verbs 334
- Denominal parasynthesis and inchoativity from both lexical-semantic and aspectual points of view 357
- Diachronic prototypicity and stativity in Spanish physical affection verbs 378
- Negative imperatives with Spanish copulas ser y estar 412
- Index 439
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Preface vii
- List of contributors xvii
- The conceptualization of change of state in verbs coming from gentilicios 1
- Event structure and lexical semantics in a scalar approach to actionality 21
- Lexical synonymy and argumental structure 60
- Inner and outer prepositions with Spanish verbs of vertical movement 77
- Argumental comitative and reciprocity in Spanish 98
- Causativity and psychological verbs in Spanish 110
- Lexical agreement processes 131
- Variable aspectual coercion in Spanish fictive motion expressions 153
- Agent control over non culminating events 185
- The pseudo-copulative verbs verse and sentirse 218
- On events that express properties 238
- Some reflections on verbs with clitic increase 264
- Transitivity and verb classes 288
- Romance object-experiencer verbs 312
- Aspectual approach to causative-resultative denominal verbs 334
- Denominal parasynthesis and inchoativity from both lexical-semantic and aspectual points of view 357
- Diachronic prototypicity and stativity in Spanish physical affection verbs 378
- Negative imperatives with Spanish copulas ser y estar 412
- Index 439
