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Fue muerto

Suppletion in Spanish analytic passives
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Abstract

While allomorphy is a widespread phenomenon in the functional vocabulary of the world’s languages (i.e. English past tense -d, -t and -Ø), its status in the domain of roots is still an open question. Does root allomorphy, or suppletion, exist? In this paper we review the recent controversy attached to this question within the framework of Distributed Morphology (DM) and then provide an argument in favor of the existence of suppletion from the distribution of vocabulary items mat- (kill) and mor- (die). Using a model for analyzing suppletion outlined in Harley (2013), we propose that these two vocabulary items are members of the same set of lists that are accessed by a single syntactically-active root node. Mat- is specified to appear in agentive verbal environments while mor- is an elsewhere morpheme.

Abstract

While allomorphy is a widespread phenomenon in the functional vocabulary of the world’s languages (i.e. English past tense -d, -t and -Ø), its status in the domain of roots is still an open question. Does root allomorphy, or suppletion, exist? In this paper we review the recent controversy attached to this question within the framework of Distributed Morphology (DM) and then provide an argument in favor of the existence of suppletion from the distribution of vocabulary items mat- (kill) and mor- (die). Using a model for analyzing suppletion outlined in Harley (2013), we propose that these two vocabulary items are members of the same set of lists that are accessed by a single syntactically-active root node. Mat- is specified to appear in agentive verbal environments while mor- is an elsewhere morpheme.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Preface vii
  4. Introduction xi
  5. Part I. Theoretical and descriptive approaches
  6. No superiority, no intervention effects 3
  7. Overt PRO in Romance 25
  8. The semantics and pragmatics of andar and venir + gerund 49
  9. Sequence of tenses in complementation structures 69
  10. Fue muerto 89
  11. Temporal and spectral dependencies in the processing of Spanish and English stop consonant voicing 113
  12. Segmental and prosodic conditionings on gradient voicing assimilation in Spanish 127
  13. Part II. Language acquisition
  14. The sum is more than its parts 147
  15. Does agreement affect the syntax of bare nominal subjects in Russian–Spanish bilinguals? 169
  16. Perfecting the past 191
  17. The protracted acquisition of past tense aspectual values in child heritage Spanish 211
  18. Part III. Language contact and language variation
  19. Morphological adjectival intensifier variation in Lima, Peru 233
  20. An experimental approach to hypercorrection in Dominican Spanish 251
  21. Dialect identification and listener attributes 269
  22. Sociophonetic analysis of young Peninsular Spanish women’s voice quality 293
  23. A sociophonetic analysis of trill production in Panamanian Spanish 313
  24. Index 337
Hispanic Linguistics at the Crossroads
This chapter is in the book Hispanic Linguistics at the Crossroads
https://doi.org/10.1075/ihll.4.05arm

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Preface vii
  4. Introduction xi
  5. Part I. Theoretical and descriptive approaches
  6. No superiority, no intervention effects 3
  7. Overt PRO in Romance 25
  8. The semantics and pragmatics of andar and venir + gerund 49
  9. Sequence of tenses in complementation structures 69
  10. Fue muerto 89
  11. Temporal and spectral dependencies in the processing of Spanish and English stop consonant voicing 113
  12. Segmental and prosodic conditionings on gradient voicing assimilation in Spanish 127
  13. Part II. Language acquisition
  14. The sum is more than its parts 147
  15. Does agreement affect the syntax of bare nominal subjects in Russian–Spanish bilinguals? 169
  16. Perfecting the past 191
  17. The protracted acquisition of past tense aspectual values in child heritage Spanish 211
  18. Part III. Language contact and language variation
  19. Morphological adjectival intensifier variation in Lima, Peru 233
  20. An experimental approach to hypercorrection in Dominican Spanish 251
  21. Dialect identification and listener attributes 269
  22. Sociophonetic analysis of young Peninsular Spanish women’s voice quality 293
  23. A sociophonetic analysis of trill production in Panamanian Spanish 313
  24. Index 337
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